U.S. proposes U.N. Western Sahara rights monitor; Morocco warns of "missteps"

UNITED NATIONS/RABAT (Reuters) - The United States has proposed that the U.N. peace-keeping mission in the disputed territory of Western Sahara help monitor human rights there, U.N. diplomats said on Tuesday, an idea that has prompted an expression of regret from Morocco. The U.S. proposal was contained in a draft U.N. Security Council resolution Washington circulated to the so-called Group of Friends on Western Sahara, which includes the United States, France, Spain, Britain and Russia, U.N. diplomats said on condition of anonymity. "The U.S. has proposed a human rights-monitoring component for the U.N. in Western Sahara," a diplomat said. Other diplomats, as well as the Robert F. Kennedy Centre for Justice and Human Rights, confirmed his remarks. The draft resolution is intended to extend the mandate of the U.N. mission in Western Sahara for another year. It is scheduled to be put to a vote later this month. Morocco's government responded to the U.S. proposal by cancelling the annual "African Lion" war games in protest. In a statement, it said the country was "confident in the wisdom of the members of the Security Council and in their ability to find appropriate formulas to preserve the political process from any missteps that would have significant and detrimental consequences on the stability of the region." African Lion is an annual joint military exercise with the Moroccan Armed Forces and the U.S. Army involving around 1,400 U.S. and 900 Moroccan soldiers. U.N. diplomats said France, which traditionally supports Rabat, was also unhappy with the U.S. proposal. The U.S. suggestion for a human rights monitoring component of the U.N. mission in Western Sahara, known as MINURSO, comes after Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told the Security Council in a report that he advocated "sustained" independent human rights monitoring for the territory. The idea of permanent U.N. human rights monitoring is something Morocco opposes but rights groups and the Polisario Front independence movement have long advocated. RIGHTS VIOLATIONS? A spokesman for the U.S. mission to the United Nations, Payton Knopf, confirmed Washington was discussing the issue. "We are actively reviewing MINURSO's mandate and are working closely with our U.N. Security Council partners on this issue," he said. "The United States continues to support the U.N.-led process designed to bring about a peaceful, sustainable and mutually agreed solution to the conflict whereby the human rights of all individuals are respected," Knopf added. In U.N.-mediated talks, Rabat has tried to convince Polisario, which represents the Sahrawi people, to accept its plan for Western Sahara to be an autonomous part of Morocco. Polisario instead proposes a referendum among ethnic Sahrawis that includes an option of independence, but there is no agreement between Morocco and Polisario on who should participate in any referendum. The referendum has never been held and attempts to reach a lasting deal have been unsuccessful. No state recognizes Morocco's rule over Western Sahara but the Security Council is divided. Some non-aligned states back Polisario but France, a veto-wielding council member, has continued to support Rabat. Polisario accuses Morocco of routine human rights violations in Western Sahara and has called for MINURSO to have the authority to conduct independent human rights monitoring. That is something Polisario has called for in previous years, but Morocco, backed by France, has rejected the idea. In his report, Ban argued in favour of some form of independent rights monitoring but offered no details on how it would be carried out in the resource-rich territory. "Given ongoing reports of human rights violations, the need for independent, impartial, comprehensive and sustained monitoring of the human rights situations in both Western Sahara and the (refugee) camps becomes ever more pressing," Ban said. (Reporting by Lou Charbonneau and Aziz El Yaakoubi; Editing by Todd Eastham) Copyright © 2013 Reuters http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=%2F2013%2F4%2F17%2Fworldupdates%2Fus-proposes-un-western-sahara-rights-monitor-morocco-warns-of-missteps&sec=Worldupdates

Ross's meeting with Saharawis in Mauritania

جري يوم الأربعاء الموافق لي 27 مارس 2013 في مدينة انواكشوط الموريتانية لقاء مع سعادة السفير كرستوفر روس المبعوث الشخصي للأمين العام للامم المتحدة ، وجري هذا اللقاء الذي دام ساعة وربع في مدينة انواكشوط بموريتانيا ـ وقد تمحور اللقاء حول المحاور المتعلقة بالجوانب سياسي حقوقي إجتماعي إقتصادي والظروف التي يعيشها الإنسان الصحراوي في الأرض المحتلة وفي اللجوء والشتات وخصوصا الواقع المزري الذي يعيشه الانسان الصحراوي في الارض المحتلة من الصحراء الغربية خاصة الاحداث الاخيرة ،وكذا تداعيات التماطل وغض الطرف عن الانتهاكات المستمرة التي ترتكبها السلطات المغربية ضد الشعب الصحراوي وكان الحديث شيقا مع السفير روس اللقاء حضره : عن الأرض المحتلة الناشطين السياسيين والحقوقين الصحراويين محمد المصطفي أهل تكرور محمد البيكم عن الجاليات الصحراوي في موريتانيا كل من : لدهم الداهي صالح لعروسي النوف محمد ولد الشيخ أريه المبروك

BARDEM y sahara libre

http://youtu.be/t-woqP3WxHA

Sons of the clouds by Javier Barderm

الصحراء الغربية..أميناتو حيدرتواصل نضالها ضد الاحتلال

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1LaFmJ8ag34

Pambazuka - Public diplomacy and gender mainstreaming

Pambazuka - Public diplomacy and gender mainstreaming

Pambazuka - The EU-Morocco Fisheries Agreement

Pambazuka - The EU-Morocco Fisheries Agreement

Pambazuka - Hoping for a UN spring

Pambazuka - Hoping for a UN spring

Pambazuka - The life of a Saharawi student

Pambazuka - The life of a Saharawi student

Javier Bardem on George Stroumboulopoulos Tonight: INTERVIEW

The Life of a Saharawi Student in the Occupied Territory of Western Sahara

The Life of a Saharawi Student in the Occupied Territory of Western Sahara. By: Mohamed Brahim, Feb 23rd,2013. Ismail Hamdi, a Saharawi student, is from Elaaiun where he was born and raised. When he first opened his eyes to this world, he saw oppression, abuses, and plundering of natural resources. He has been witnessing occupation at work in his homeland: Western Sahara. Throughout the years, he was never able to understand why Saharawis, who never invaded any other nations or any other neighboring territories, were invaded in 1975 by Morocco, and thus the never-ending journey of suffering and terror begun. Ismail kept asking himself questions repeatedly all the time as he saw himself growing up and then going to school. He could not help but to realize the Sahara was never and could never be Moroccan or moroccanized. At school, Ismail was always aware of the forged history they have all been taught at the hands of Moroccan teachers. He could sense bitterness and resent amongst his Saharawi classmates building up and mounting each day. During Moroccan national holiday, they were all forced to learn by heart the Moroccan national anthem, and to sing it loudly in the main halls of schools while saluting the Moroccan flag. They were even forced to go on day-long festive parades wearing the Moroccan flag colors chanting slogans praising the king and his dynasty. As years went by, Ismail has become a bright student. He was highly admired and was a very distinguished student amongst his peers. He was even excelling in foreign languages namely in French which most Saharawis despised and disliked. Most Saharawis believe that France is Morocco’s legal guardian and protector. They think that France is the ultimate accomplice of the Moroccan regime and is behind the continuity of their ongoing misery. Saharawis prefer Spanish and English language. Ismail Hamdi is a bright, cultured and a well-disciplined Saharawi who is always getting good grades and is regarded as an icon in his small Saharawi community. Most Saharawis are bright students and very intelligent. Therefore, they are an easy target for the Moroccan regime through the appointed teachers who all dislike this fact. The Moroccan -run schools have, unofficially, a secret instructions agenda to keep the Saharawis underrated and below the education’s average “national guidelines”. Unfortunately enough, most Moroccans have been brainwashed to go against whatever is Saharawi. The settlers rejoice when they see their children get good grades, and they would hate themselves when they see a Saharawi student score high! Moroccan teachers in Western Sahara are just another arm for the regime to misinform the Saharawis. Some teachers would even ignore Saharawis students raising their hands high up wanting the permission to speak when in the classroom, but soon enough they are all ignored and not given the opportunity to participate. Most often, Saharawis are not given the chance to take part in workshops and educational training while Moroccan students enjoy that benefit in Morocco. Ismail would always laugh when he would see the Moroccan secret service plain-cloth agents trying to blend in with the students in and outside the schools. It was very obvious they did not belong in there. Even a small kid can tell! Very often, Ismail and other Saharawis were chased by the police officers in police vans and by some “Ghoulish looking” undercover cops whenever there is a peaceful demonstration calling out for the right of Self Determination for Saharawis. Usually, Ismail and his friends would use graffiti on the walls of the schools to express their refusal of the oppression and their condemnation of the plundering and abuses taking place in the Western Sahara. In the peaceful demonstrations, Saharawi students would raise the Saharawi flag as an indication to their ultimate and most honored demand: “Independence for Western Sahara”. These kind of brave amateur acts have proven to be very effective in irritating the Moroccan regime and the local authorities. This same regime is always plotting against the Sahrawis including the kids. They wanted to break the will of the Saharawis at any price. They started building strategies and mobilizing their institutions towards achieving their schematic plans. The local authorities, under the supervision of the police and the intelligence services agents, introduced drugs into schools and encouraged drug dealers to sell it at lower prices to Saharawis. Cocaine has become popular. For them, it is just another tool to exterminate the Saharawis. Selling drugs at lower prices was a bait to lure young Saharawis into moving to the: “Wasteland”. Ismail, wittingly, noticed this new phenomenon and alerted his people. His friends and him watched and watched for days and weeks. Their suspicions were confirmed. The authorities were behind this drug trafficking at schools. The secret government agents supplied and facilitated the access to the merchandise and encouraged the addiction among teenagers. The aim was to make Saharawis drug addicted in order to lure them away from politics and to subdue them. The motto is” Get away from politics and do whatever you want”. The demand for the right of self-determination is a no-no for the Moroccan regime. Saharawis, upon this blatant discover, engaged themselves into fighting the drugs that became widespread in their environment. These efforts paid back. The risks have been minimized to the least. Saharawi students have become aware of the dangers around them in their own backyards. Ismail Hamdi is a proud dignified Saharawi. He always thinks of himself as a member of a very distinguished authentic society that has special characteristics of its own. Wearing a Saharawi Darraa is always a privilege for him and for his peers. It is considered an act of cultural resistance. It is about self-assertion.Darra3a for males and Melhfa for females. These traditional clothes are symbols of the national identity. Far more than that, it is now, in these special circumstances, to preserve the national Saharawi heritage. To Ismail’s dismay, the Moroccan administration placed a ban on wearing such clothes: no male Saharawi dress is allowed in schools. This unofficial statement is brutally enforced especially on Saharawi national holidays that are prohibited in the occupied territory. Clear enough, wearing the Darraa on the school premises was considered a plot against the regime. Oddly enough, this was another war against anything that makes Saharawis look different than the Moroccans. It is just another tactic of assimilation conducted and run by any occupation force throughout known history. Ismail Hamdi is about to get his baccalaureate soon. He wants to go to the university to pursue his undergraduate studies since he has big plans for the future. Needless to say, there are no universities in Western Sahara. It is a sad thing, but the Moroccan regime never wanted to build colleges or universities in there. Ismail is sharing his frustration and worried with his friends: How would Moroccan students in Morocco treat a young ambitious patriotic Sahrawi? With fear? Contempt? Loathing? Or-perhaps worse: violence and total aggressiveness? Disregard? He thinks most of them would say” He is trouble, stay away from him!”

Morocco/Western Sahara: Two years too long – repression of protests must end | Amnesty International

Morocco/Western Sahara: Two years too long – repression of protests must end | Amnesty International

AZIZA BRAHIM "Blues del Sàhara"_DIVERSONS 2013

In remote Western Sahara, prized phosphate drives controversial investments

In remote Western Sahara, prized phosphate drives controversial investments

Inside disputed Western Sahara - Features - Al Jazeera English

Inside disputed Western Sahara - Features - Al Jazeera English

Laayoune, Western Sahara - "Duck down and put your head below the window," says Hamid as we pass a military outpost in southern Laayoune, the capital of Western Sahara, on our way to the family home of dissident activists here.

Laayoune has no shortage of military outposts. The security forces are everywhere, on hand to disperse protests and public demonstrations. The latest incident was on December 10 - International Human Rights Day - when they broke up a protest in front of an office of Morocco's Advisory Council on Human Rights with clubs.

Western Sahara has been ruled by Morocco since 1975 when, after Franco's death, the Spanish left and allowed Morocco and Mauritania to enter. An International Court of Justice advisory opinion issued at the time did not find "any tie of territorial sovereignty" between Western Sahara, Morocco, and Mauritania, though it also noted the "difficulty of disentangling the various relationships existing in the Western Sahara region at the time of colonisation".

By 1979, internal resistance had forced Mauritania out, but Morocco's King Hassan II was committed to the Sahara as "bilad al-siba", part of a "Greater Morocco" that would eventually cover all of Mauritania as well. Hundreds of thousands of Moroccan settlers were encouraged to enter Western Sahara with state-subsidised property and employment, under the army's protection.

Inside Story - Tensions in Western Sahara

Morocco then fought a war against an indigenous Sahrawi group of fighters, the Frente Polisario, which ended in 1991 when the UN brokered a ceasefire and pledged to hold an independence referendum within six months. 
The referendum has still not been held. Morocco retains control of Western Sahara and its lucrative phosphate and fishing resources. The country is now the last United Nations-designated "non-self-governing territory" in Africa, and is home to between 100,000 and 140,000 Moroccan military personnel (despite a total population of just 500,000).

Morocco's reigning King Muhammad VI has said that "the issue of our Saharan provinces is central" in order "to complete our territorial integrity".

Life under Moroccan rule
The fighting drove much of the indigenous population of Western Sahara into refugee camps in Tindouf in southern Algeria, but some remain as a minority within the territory, west of the 2,600-kilometre separation wall that Morocco built during the war with the Polisario.
The UN peacekeeping mission, MINURSO, has limited jurisdiction: unusually for such missions, the UN Security Council has not given it a mandate to monitor rights abuses. Nor is it sufficiently staffed: the mission has only six police officers and 237 military personnel covering an area larger than Britain. MINURSO staff said they need an additional 10 civilian police just to monitor their own compound.

Media access in Western Sahara is extremely restricted: almost no foreign journalists are given permits to enter, and the occasional groups of journalists who are allowed in have their movement controlled by the state. Accordingly, little is known about the lives of the Sahrawi in the disputed territory. 
"Our group is underground," Fatima Tobarra, president of the Sahrawi Observatory for Women and Children, told Al Jazeera. "We tried to make an official organisation, but the authorities refused even to receive our application, so we can have no premises."

Neither the Moroccan police nor the Moroccan government's human rights department responded to requests for comment for this article.

Life expectancy is just 54 years in Western Sahara, tellingly lower than Morocco's 72. The Observatory says discrimination and abuses against the local population are rampant."The police here guard the schools, and intimidate the Sahrawi children, then inside they are discriminated against by the teachers who are almost always Moroccans, so attendance drops," said Tobarra.
"Our children are not even allowed to join the activity groups that the Moroccan children have, so we run groups for them."
Khouaja Youssef, the Observatory's general secretary, says that women she has spoken to have told her that, in the past, security forces have been caught by parents giving hard drugs to very young Sahrawi children to get them addicted. "They hate us, and they don't want us here - they'll do anything to hurt and injure our communities," Youssef said. The allegations could not be independently verified. 
Many of the families have had relatives killed or "disappeared". Fatima's own father and uncle were split up as refugees, and neither have been heard from since. Her grandfather and grandmother were both jailed in Agdz prison, and died there, she said.
"We cannot live like this, and we will not," Fatima said. "We want our self-determination so that we can live good lives. The people in other countries, in Tunisia, in Yemen, they won their freedom - and we want that to happen here. It has to happen here."

Repressing resistance
Despite the extensive security apparatus, the Sahrawi have been holding demonstrations against Moroccan rule, and what they see as their second-class citizenship, for years. 
This peaked in October 2010, with the establishment of the Gdeim Izik protest camp: a tent city set up by activists south-east of Laayoune. The camp was forcibly dismantled by the Moroccan police, and between 11 and 36 Sahrawi were killed as well as eight members of the Moroccan security forces.
A group called Coordination Gdeim Izik played a key role in the protest camp, and continues to organise regular non-violent demonstrations in Laayoune, Smara, and Dakhla. Most recently, they organised a protest on International Human Rights Day in front of the Moroccan Human Rights Organisation (CCDH) office in Laayoune. 
The protest was forcibly broken up, and many - like Salimah, a Sahrawi woman in her late twenties - were beaten. "I was very badly attacked. They smashed my teeth to pieces and I had to get them reconstructed," she said, displaying the artificial replacements that now lie in place of her lower front six teeth. "The police came to the protest out of their uniforms and beat us with clubs."
Another young member, Khalil, said that the security forces have become adept at pre-empting and breaking up protests, routinely using clubs and batons against anyone who attends. "They do not care if you are young, old, man, woman - if you come to the protests they will attack you," he said.
Some demonstrators have lost their lives in the protests. Maryem Dambar says she watched her brother, Said Dambar, be shot in the head by police at a protest near his own house in Laayoune in December 2010.

"We live here always under the eyes, and under the clubs of the Moroccans." - Lahib Salhi, Coordination Gdeim Izik leader

The Moroccan security forces then attacked the house, clubbing Maryem and her mother after she fled inside. The police subsequently denied all responsibility for Said's death, and to this day refuse to admit that the killing happened, or to investigate it.
"All our family wants is justice for Said," Maryem said. "I saw him killed, and cannot understand how the Moroccans can deny that they murdered him. If there were any human rights in Western Sahara, Said's death would not be denied, and his killers would be brought to justice."

The case may not be unique. Human Rights Watch has complained that Moroccoan authorities failed to follow-up on the beating of the group's research assistant in 2010, calling the attack a "case study of impunity for police violence".

"If there is impunity for police who beat up a citizen who works for an international organization in broad daylight, in front of witnesses and despite formal complaints, it's clear how vulnerable ordinary citizens are," Sarah Lee Whitson, a Human Rights Watch spokesperson, said in a March 2012 statement.

In April, Amnesty International reported that: "Sahrawis advocating self-determination for the people of Western Sahara remained subject to restrictions on their freedoms of expression, association and assembly, and leading activists continued to face prosecution."

Despite the danger of documenting unrest - anyone caught filming or taking pictures of protests in Western Sahara faces punishment, and usually the destruction of the camera equipment - Coordination Gdeim Izik say they have video evidence of the attacks on their protests. 
In one video seen by this reporter, a 55-year-old woman is savagely beaten and kicked to the floor by two riot policemen; in another, uniformed military personnel beat a young girl so severely she had to be hospitalised, according to her friends. A senior member of the group, Sidi Muhammad Ramadiy, pointed to the screen and said: "This is human rights for Morocco."
The group's de facto leader, Lahib Salhi, said: "We live here always under the eyes, and under the clubs of the Moroccans. The world must do what it promised to do when the UN first came: hold the referendum, and give us the chance to live as we wish to live."

Five thousand kilometres from Palestine
There are clear parallels between the situations in Western Sahara and in Palestine, campaigners say. Both involve the exit of former imperial powers, the arrival of forces from outside, alleged repression of the indigenous population, and the protection of the status quo by permanent members of the UN Security Council.

France actively supports Morocco's position, and although the US nominally supports holding the referendum, it has made no moves to resolve the conflict or to push for monitoring of human rights abuses. The UK, China, and Russia have largely remained silent.

But while the Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the most high-profile news stories in the world, that in the Western Sahara remains little-known.

Despite the complexity of the situation at the UN, many Sahrawis blame the international community. "The Moroccans make the claim on our land because they can, because they are strong and because they are supported by France, the United States, and Britain," said Salhi. "But they know the claim is false. The Mauritanians once claimed Western Sahara for themselves. Where are they now? How much longer will the world permit this injustice?"

CARTA ABIERTA :A JOAQIUN ORTEGA, DE HMAD HAMAMD

CARTA ABIERTA A JOAQUÍN ORTEGA SALINAS, Embajador de España en Rabat en 1990, de Hmad Hammad, activista saharaui Diciembre de 2012 En el nombre de Dios el Único el Misericordioso. Sr. Embajador: Quizás no se acuerda o no quiera acordarse de mí, que a veces la memoria hace indecibles jugarretas para borrar recuerdos incómodos. Soy Hmad Hammad, uno de esos tres muchachos saharauis que, en 1990, acosados por la policía marroquí, cometimos la ingenuidad de buscar refugio en la Embajada de España en Rabat (Marruecos). Usted era entonces el embajador de España en esa capital y, en lugar de concedernos el asilo que habíamos solicitado, nos entregó a las fuerzas de seguridad marroquíes, pese a que sabía muy bien que con ello nos condenaba a la cárcel y a sufrir terribles torturas e, incluso, la muerte, en una de las mazmorras secretas donde tantos hombres, mujeres e, incluso, ancianos, han desaparecido desde 1975 para siempre, por el mero hecho de ser saharauis. Mis compañeros y yo cometimos la ingenuidad de buscar refugio en la Embajada de España. Pensábamos, ilusos de nosotros, que habiendo firmado España dos años antes la Convención de Ginebra sobre Derechos Humanos, estaríamos seguros en la embajada española, máxime cuando, además, mi padre era español por haber nacido en la provincia española nº 53 del Sáhara Español y con DNI español y yo mismo nací español y tuve DNI. Además, España sigue siendo hasta hoy (así lo ha ratificado la ONU) la potencia administradora del territorio no autónomo del Sáhara Occidental y, por lo tanto, está obligada por la Carta de las Naciones Unidas a defender al pueblo saharaui. Pero usted, señor Javier Ortega, nos negó, no sólo el asilo al que teníamos derecho, sino cualquier clase de ayuda: ni agua nos dieron en su recinto (el de España), algo que en la ley de la gente del desierto no se hace ni con el peor de los enemigos. El colmo fue que se encargó usted mismo de meter a la policía marroquí dentro de la Embajada para que nos sacaran de allí. Todavía recuerdo en mis pesadillas los rostros de esos tres policías que usted dejó pasar para que nos detuviesen en lo que era técnicamente territorio español, dentro de su propio coche oficial. Le diré, para que no quede ninguna duda de lo que nos ocurrió después, que los torturadores marroquíes hicieron todo lo posible para hacerme hablar, llorar y pedir piedad. Me arrancaron las uñas de los pies. Me torturaron con altas corrientes de electricidad en todas las partes sensibles de mi cuerpo y otras muchas formas de tortura en cuya práctica sus amigos marroquíes son expertos. Todavía hoy me parece un milagro haber sobrevivido a ese sufrimiento insoportable e indescriptible. Sí, reconozco que en esos momentos grité de dolor y pedí a Dios que me llevara con él. Pero no lloré, eso sí que no, para que no pudiesen disfrutar del placer de verme humillado. No sé cómo recibirá embajador esta carta, ni cómo la leerá, si delante de su familia o a escondidas, como hizo en su trabajo diplomático cuando nos entregó a los verdugos y asesinos del pueblo del Sahara Occidental. Seguramente sus hijos y nietos se sientan orgullosos de tener a un padre como usted, pero que sepan que destrozó a mi familia y a mí, que todavía sigo sufriendo las secuelas de esas terribles torturas. Me gustaría saber: ¿Qué le dieron a cambio de mi entrega? ¿Un cargo, una promoción, una prebenda? He sabido después, que usted justificó su innoble acto por el temor a que nuestra petición de asilo causase problemas en las difíciles relaciones hispano-marroquíes. Pero, la verdad, no me cabe en la cabeza que la patria de Don Quijote pueda identificar patriotismo y defensa de intereses nacionales con un acto tan inhumano y tan indigno. Es más, pienso que a gente como usted deberían juzgarla precisamente por haber quebrantado los intereses nacionales, porque la entrega de víctimas inocentes a sus verdugos, violando el derecho internacional por los cuatro costados, lo que pone en evidencia, aparte de su falta de humanidad y cobardía, es un país débil y miserable. Los españoles entonces no tuvieron modo de enterarse de lo que había ocurrido porque ningún medio de comunicación informó sobre ello, pero que sepan ahora que en Rabat, todas las embajadas estuvieron al tanto de la ignominia suya, de la ignominia de España. He de decir también, para los españoles que ahora puedan sentir vergüenza, que en todos estos años que han pasado nunca olvidé a otra persona que en 1990 formaba parte del personal de esa embajada, pero justo por lo contrario que a usted señor Ortega. Se trata del que entonces era comandante del Ejército español, Don Diego Camacho, que intervino con decisión y arrojo para intentar convencerlo de que no hiciese lo que acabó haciendo en nombre del prestigio de España. Todos estos años lo he llevado en el corazón, por su esforzada gestión, recordándole todas las obligaciones que correspondían a España, sin importarle, como ocurrió, que fuese represaliado por ello por sus superiores, privándole de su cargo en Rabat. En los numerosas idas y venidas que he tenido que hacer a España desde mi liberación con el fin de someterme a revisiones médicas por las secuelas de las torturas que me inflingieron los marroquíes, he tenido ocasión de volver a encontrarme con Don Diego Camacho. De usted, en cambio, no he vuelto a saber nada. Ni siquiera en esta última estancia en la que, por cierto, he coincidido con la triste noticia de la tragedia ocurrida en Madrid en una multitudinaria fiesta juvenil que costó la vida a cuatro jóvenes. Dios las tenga en su gloria y a sus familias mi expresión de dolor y lo mismo a toda la población española con la que el pueblo saharaui se siente fuertemente unido. No puedo dejar de pensar que esas jóvenes vidas arrancadas prematuramente por el infortunio, forman parte de una juventud que sigue mostrando su solidaridad con la tragedia del pueblo saharaui y que, desde 1975, viene marcando la diferencia con sus dirigentes políticos respecto a mi gente; marcando la diferencia con gente como usted señor Javier Ortega. No sé por qué lo hizo, pero fuese por lo que fuese, ambición o cobardía me da pena que haya gente que ponga precio a su dignidad. Que la sociedad española se lo perdone. Hmad Hammad Y la paz

Incitec Pivot must stop theft of Western Sahara phosphate

http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1212/S00267/incitec-pivot-must-stop-theft-of-western-sahara-phosphate.htm Incitec Pivot must stop theft of Western Sahara phosphate Tuesday, 18 December 2012, 11:52 am Press Release: Australia Western Sahara Association 17 December 2012 Incitec Pivot must stop theft of Western Sahara phosphate The Australia Western Sahara Association (AWSA) will be protesting at the IPL AGM outside the Melbourne Exhibition Centre, 2 Clarendon St, Southbank as shareholders arrive from 1.30-2pm, Tuesday 18 December. Incitec Pivot Ltd (IPL) has announced no plans to phase out their imports of phosphate from Western Sahara, sold by the Moroccan company OCP, which has no legal title over Western Sahara phosphates. Wesfarmers, on the other hand, has placed a hold on such imports for the coming year. Meanwhile, fertilizer companies in other countries have stopped importing this phosphate altogether: FMC Foret in Spain, Mosaic in the USA, Yara in Norway, BASF in Belgium... Incitec Pivot would like to portray itself as an ethical company operating legally, but it is not ethical or legal to import stolen phosphate from Western Sahara. Commercial dealings with Morocco in goods sourced in the country they illegally occupy lends support to the regime’s claim to the territory, although no country in the world recognizes its claim. The Moroccan regime uses revenue from Western Sahara resources to maintain 120,000 troops on the military wall dividing the country and hundreds of police and security services to suppress the Saharawi people. Buying Western Sahara phosphates from Morocco also impedes the United Nations’ efforts to organise a referendum of self-determination to resolve the conflict. The Saharawi people have no say in the exploitation of their natural resources and obtain no benefit from it. They are protesting and we are supporting their protest. The president of the Saharawi organisation to protect natural resources (CSPRON) is in prison without trial for over 2 years, along with 23 others. Even under Moroccan law it is illegal to be held for more than a year without trial. Their crime? Protesting the plunder of the natural resources of Western Sahara and asking for basic rights in their own country. The Australia Western Sahara Association (AWSA) endorses the resolution of the European Parliament on 13 December 2012 where it expressed "its concern at the deterioration of human rights in the Western Sahara" and called for "the fundamental rights of the people of Western Sahara, including freedom of association, freedom of expression and the right to demonstrate, to be respected". It also called for the opening of the territory to independent observers, NGOs and the media. It is time for Incitec Pivot to stop the illegal plunder of Western Sahara phosphates. We urge Incitec Pivot to put a hold on their imports from Western Sahara until the illegal occupation is ended. Further information: awsa.org.au wsrw.org ENDS © Scoop Media

Ross's Brienfing to the SC November 2012

Briefing to the Security Council Personal Envoy of the Secretary General for Western Sahara November 28, 2012 --As delivered---- Mr. President, Distinguished Members of the Council, It is with more than my customary sense of honor and pleasure that I join you to brief on developments in the search for a mutually acceptable political solution, which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara, since passage of the Council’s latest resolution on April 24, 2012. After a period of reflection, I embarked on a long-delayed trip to North Africa from October 25 to November 11 and held consultations in Madrid and Paris from November 12 to 15 on my way home. I had three objectives in the region: first, to evaluate the past five years of negotiating efforts and identify the reasons for the stalemate; second, to look ahead at how the process might be modified to enhance the prospects of progress; and, third, to gauge the impact of events in the Sahel on the Western Sahara dossier. Beyond these objectives, I introduced two innovations: first, I met with political leaders and representatives of civil society in addition to meeting with officials; second, I paid my first visit to Western Sahara itself. The governments of Morocco, Algeria, Mauritania, and France, as well as the Polisario and MINURSO, extended full cooperation, and I thank them. Special thanks are due as well to the government of Spain, which generously provided an aircraft to facilitate my travel. Without going into a detailed account of each stop, let me present my overall findings and impressions. First, everywhere, the highest authorities confirmed their commitment to working with the UN to pursue a political solution for the final status of Western Sahara, while at the same time reiterating their attachment to their own proposals. In Morocco, King Mohammed VI reaffirmed his country’s willingness to continue to work with me within the framework of its proposal for autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. In Tindouf, Polisario Secretary-General Abdelaziz reiterated the readiness of the Polisario Front to intensify its engagement in the expectation that the solution would include a genuine referendum of self-determination. In Algeria, President Bouteflika again stated that, while Algeria is not and will never be a party to the conflict, it remains willing to accompany the parties in their search for a solution. That said, he added, any settlement that does not include a genuine referendum is not a settlement at all. In Mauritania, Prime Minister Laghdaf reaffirmed his country’s desire to be helpful on the basis of “positive neutrality.” Second, in looking back at the reasons for the continuing stalemate, it was evident that, as the parties’ frustration has grown, each has attributed the failure to make progress not only to the other party’s refusal to negotiate on the basis of its proposal, but more pointedly to the absence of decisive action by the international community, the Council, the Secretary-General, and his Personal Envoy. The parties do not accept that the principal responsibility for making progress rests with the parties themselves, although others can provide encouragement and ideas. I stressed this point repeatedly in my contacts with political parties and representatives of civil society, as well as with officials, pointing out that, since the UN is dealing with the conflict under Chapter VI of the Charter, and in the absence of an international consensus, no one can impose anything on the parties and that it is up to them first and foremost to find a way forward within the framework provided by UN mediation. Nonetheless, over and over, at every stop, I was told that the UN should take this action or that action – always in the direction of bringing one side to accept the proposal of the other. In my role as mediator, I cannot be an advocate for a specific proposal. I advocate for the negotiating process. Third, in looking ahead at how best to proceed, senior officials agreed with my judgment that it is futile to convene more meetings of the parties any time soon in the absence of a change in the equation. After four rounds of official negotiations and nine rounds of informal talks, to hold yet another meeting would highlight the stalemate, further weakening the credibility of the process. In preparation for further meetings, formal or informal, I proposed to engage in further consultations with key international stakeholders followed by a period of quiet shuttle diplomacy with the parties and neighboring states. My interlocutors accepted this approach, but some cautioned that periodic meetings remain important in maintaining contact, minimizing miscalculation, and giving visible evidence that the process continues. Fourth, in examining the impact of the rising tension in the Sahel and the dangers this presents to all parties, I found that, while all agree that these factors argue for an early solution to the Western Sahara conflict, no one seems ready to take the first step. Instead, I found that the common reaction to events in the Sahel has been to bolster local defenses against any possible spillover. On another aspect of the issue, it was confirmed to me that, in the absence of a settlement, individuals from all over the region have been enticed into joining one or another of the groups in northern Mali. In Morocco, the media continued to speak of a connection between the Polisario and these groups, but senior officials in Rabat and in Nouakchott were clear in saying that no such linkage exists. Fifth, my visit to Western Sahara merits special mention. As promised, Morocco, as the de facto administering power, provided full facilitation, and I will make additional visits in due course. I had meetings with a wide range of pro-independence and pro-autonomy Sahrawis, as well as with the local authorities. There was clearly a hunger to speak with me, since the list of those I did not have time to meet greatly exceeded the list of those I did meet. All spoke with evident sincerity, but it should come as no surprise that I was unable to determine where the balance of opinion lies. All I can say for sure is that there are articulate spokespersons on both sides of the political divide. The pro-autonomy Sahrawis emphasized the development of Laayoune and other localities under Moroccan administration, as well as the numerous other benefits that they see in this administration. The pro-independence Sahrawis highlighted what they described as the tense relations between the indigenous Sahrawi population and the residents from Morocco, the violations of human rights that they see in police repression and in conditions of arrest, detention, trial, and incarceration, the illegal exploitation of natural resources, and the absence of jobs. Pro-independence demonstrations and attendant police responses did in fact occur at some distance from me during and after my visit. In this regard, I was struck by the fact that almost none of the security forces in Laayoune and presumably elsewhere in Western Sahara are Sahrawis from the territory, but are instead from Morocco proper, and I used my meetings with Moroccan officials during a second visit to Rabat to argue for a shift in the balance and for better training in managing demonstrations. Sixth, during my visit to the refugee camps, I had occasion to meet with members of the Polisario’s women’s, student, and youth organizations. Those present underscored the frustration that the Polisario leadership itself has reported in the past. Some in attendance argued that, after 25 years of unsuccessful UN efforts, it is time to return to armed struggle. Others suggested that, having failed to broker a settlement, the UN should simply give up and withdraw. Meanwhile, in Nouakchott, I met with some critics of the Polisario who had left the organization and were anxious to air their grievances with me. Seventh, I was dismayed at the degree to which the parties used my visit to score points. My public statements were too often shortened or lengthened to serve the agenda of one or another of the parties. In Rabat, Moroccan television edited my remarks to remove my citation of the Council text calling for “a political solution, which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara.” In Tifariti, where I visited a MINURSO team site on the east side of the berm, the Polisario’s military chief unexpectedly appeared and sought to have me review an honor guard. In the refugee camps, my remarks to a women’s group were edited to add praise for the role of women in quote “the struggle to liberate Western Sahara” unquote. I made no such statement. Eighth, while SRSG Weisbrod-Weber will be briefing you on MINURSO operations shortly, I must applaud the high degree of professionalism and commitment that I observed during my visit to MINURSO headquarters and to the team sites in Mahbes and Tifariti and in my meeting with the UN Mine Action Service team. Both MINURSO and UNMAS are in need of more resources if they are to discharge their duties more fully. MINURSO patrols an area larger than the United Kingdom, while UNMAS is working in what has recently been called one of the most mine-infested regions of the world. Beyond this, I want to highlight the respect in which the SRSG is held both within MINURSO and by his Moroccan and Sahrawi contacts. His is not an easy task. In addition to supervising MINURSO, he is the Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Western Sahara. As such, he is expected to provide the Secretary-General and this Council with independent information on MINURSO’s working environment in Western Sahara. This territory remains a non-self-governing territory in the well-being of whose population the UN must, in accordance with Article 73 of the Charter, show an interest, while recognizing that Morocco is the de facto administering power west of the berm and that the Polisario plays a similar role east of the berm. It was precisely because of the SRSG’s role in this regard that I invited him to attend all of my meetings in Western Sahara. Ninth, on UNHCR’S program of humanitarian assistance, I heard concern that both governmental and private contributions to refugee aid have decreased significantly because of the ongoing economic crisis, and I was reminded that additional contributions are sorely needed. On the individual registration of refugees, which was raised again in Rabat, Polisario and Algerian officials told me that UNHCR is satisfied with the refugee estimates that they have provided and that those who argue for individual registration are motivated by political considerations. At a donors’ meeting in Algiers, I found no eagerness to pursue the issue. Tenth, on confidence-building measures, there was universal praise for UNHCR’s superb work in expanding family visits and organizing inter-Sahrawi seminars, the second of which, on the role of women in Sahrawi society, took place in the Azores with the generous help of the government of Portugal in July. Shortly thereafter, a session on CBMs was held in Geneva at which the parties, neighboring states, and UNHCR reviewed their implementation in a very cordial atmosphere. The only advice I give when asked is to think creatively about expanding CBMs, particularly more seminars, family visits on special occasions, and youth exchanges. Sahrawis of all political persuasions, both in Western Sahara and in the camps, told me over and over that they are eager for more contact across the berm, and ways must be found to encourage this, because over time it has the potential to change perceptions even in the absence of movement in the negotiating process. One impediment is the lack of funding, and I once again urge past and potential donors to contribute to UNHCR to make more such activities possible. Eleventh, on human rights, each side used my visit to register complaints about the practices of the other. There have been many visits related to human rights in the past year, including two special rapporteurs, who visited Western Sahara but not the refugee camps, and at least one non-governmental organization. In addition, the Laayoune branch of Morocco’s National Council for Human Rights told me that it has received large numbers of complaints and conducted numerous investigations, but is still awaiting responses from the administering authorities. Human rights are not part of my mandate, but my advice, when sought, has been to state that it is up to this Council and to the High Commissioner for Human Rights to decide whether the information that is developed warrants attention and, if so, how best to do so, bearing in mind that any approach to this issue must look at the human rights situation not only in Western Sahara, but also in the refugee camps. Finally, let me say a word about my informal mandate of promoting more normal relations between Algeria and Morocco. In Rabat, King Mohammed VI authorized me to carry a message to President Bouteflika, who then authorized me to carry back a message in response. Both messages confirmed the desire of the two heads of state to continue the process of improving relations by expanding the bilateral ministerial visits that had previously been agreed. Each identified priority issues that should be addressed at an early stage, and I will be following up to encourage engagement on these issues. With regard to the Maghreb Arab Union and Tunisia’s call for an early summit, I explored the advancement of regional integration with UMA Secretary-General Ben Yahia and with the three member states that I visited. All agreed in principle that a summit should be held, but Algeria cautioned that, to ensure success, it should be well prepared through the series of sectoral meetings that are underway but not yet complete. In Algeria’s view, to hold a summit without adequate preparation would lead to certain failure. These, then, are my main findings and impressions as I return from my latest trip to the region and my first visit to Western Sahara and as I look ahead to a period of consultation with key international stakeholders, quiet diplomacy with the parties and neighboring states, and further visits to the region, including Western Sahara, in preparation for the resumption of face-to-face meetings of the parties. As I stated in Madrid, the conflict over the final status of Western Sahara has gone on for far too long. While some may believe that the status quo is stable and that it is risky to take chances for peace, I believe that this is a serious miscalculation now that the region is threatened by extremist, terrorist, and criminal elements operating in the Sahel. In these new circumstances, this conflict could, if left to fester, spark renewed violence or hostilities that would be tragic for the peoples of the region. It must be resolved, and I ask the members of the Council and of the wider international community to encourage the parties to enter into serious negotiations to bring it to an end. Thank you.

United Nations News Centre - Accepting status quo on Western Sahara ‘serious miscalculation,’ warns UN envoy

United Nations News Centre - Accepting status quo on Western Sahara ‘serious miscalculation,’ warns UN envoy

Cool Saharawi Song