Western Sahara: intifada and occupation

Western Sahara: intifada and occupation

The trappings of occupation can be seen even on the coast of Western Sahara

Morocco's occupation of Western Sahara has brought repression, but has also led to an intifada, says Jamal Khalil, a Saharawi activist
The Moroccan government has occupied Western Sahara since 1975. It moved in following the withdrawal of Spanish colonial forces.
This was supposed to be the end of colonisation for the Saharawi and we were supposed to be given autonomy.
But Spain, Morocco and Mauritania made a secret pact to divide Western Sahara – with Morocco getting the northern half and Mauritania the southern half.
The Western Saharan Polisario organisation was created in 1973 to wage a military struggle against Spain. Now it had to fight against Morocco and Mauritania.
It was a liberation movement calling for the freedom of Saharan people.
Many Saharawis had been forced into neighbouring Algeria as refugees. There they built refugee camps, naming them after cities in Western Sahara.
They waged the war from the camps. In 1978 Mauritania signed a pact with Polisario to cede the southern parts of Western Sahara, but Morocco moved in to take over the whole of the country.
Polisario fought a war from 1979 to 1991 against Morocco. Then a peace process was launched that was supposed to lead to a referendum on Western Sahara.
But each time there has been an agreement on this, Morocco has tried to derail the process. There is an argument about who would be allowed to vote in a referendum.
Saharawis argue that a census made by the Spanish authorities before they left should be the basis of who is allowed to vote. But Morocco wants to include the settlers who have entered Western Sahara.
There are now 350,000 settlers in Western Sahara – twice the number of existing Saharawis. Morocco wants to keep control through changing the demographics.
Morocco has said that it will give limited autonomy to Western Sahara, but Saharawis want the right to self-determination.
The ongoing negotiations between Polisario and the Moroccan authorities are not very promising. If Morocco blocks the negotiations there seems to be no other way out than another round of war.
In May 2005 the Saharawi people launched the biggest intifada, or uprising, against the Moroccan authorities yet seen. It started in the capital Layoun but spread to the other cities
Actions
It continues today. Three or four times a week there are actions somewhere in the occupied territories.
People fight against the police, throwing stones, hanging Polisario flags – six hundred people have been imprisoned as a result.
But Morocco has faced a lot of pressure from international human rights groups, which has forced it to release prisoners.
There is also employment discrimination against Saharawis. The Moroccan settlers are given all of the jobs in the key phosphates and fishing industries. They control Western Sahara's wealth.
During the disturbances the settlers help the police rather than staying neutral.
Morocco built a huge wall around Western Sahara, known as the "Sandwall" to stop Polisario guerrillas infiltrating the area. It also planted one million landmines.
Many in the population are nomads with animals. From time to time they die because of landmines.
Morocco is a US ally in the "war on terror". Because of this George Bush's government is pro-Morocco. There are promising reserves of oil in the Western Saharan territories.
This is one of the reasons why Morocco continues the occupation. The US has become involved because of the oil reserves.
The Saharawi people are living within a blockade. We call on the international community to safeguard our people's rights.
The people of Britain should put pressure on Morocco to cease its violation of our human rights

Western Sahara: intifada and occupation

Western Sahara: intifada and occupation


The trappings of occupation can be seen even on the coast of Western Sahara

Morocco's occupation of Western Sahara has brought repression, but has also led to an intifada, says Jamal Khalil, a Saharawi activist
The Moroccan government has occupied Western Sahara since 1975. It moved in following the withdrawal of Spanish colonial forces.
This was supposed to be the end of colonisation for the Saharawi and we were supposed to be given autonomy.
But Spain, Morocco and Mauritania made a secret pact to divide Western Sahara – with Morocco getting the northern half and Mauritania the southern half.
The Western Saharan Polisario organisation was created in 1973 to wage a military struggle against Spain. Now it had to fight against Morocco and Mauritania.
It was a liberation movement calling for the freedom of Saharan people.
Many Saharawis had been forced into neighbouring Algeria as refugees. There they built refugee camps, naming them after cities in Western Sahara.
They waged the war from the camps. In 1978 Mauritania signed a pact with Polisario to cede the southern parts of Western Sahara, but Morocco moved in to take over the whole of the country.
Polisario fought a war from 1979 to 1991 against Morocco. Then a peace process was launched that was supposed to lead to a referendum on Western Sahara.
But each time there has been an agreement on this, Morocco has tried to derail the process. There is an argument about who would be allowed to vote in a referendum.
Saharawis argue that a census made by the Spanish authorities before they left should be the basis of who is allowed to vote. But Morocco wants to include the settlers who have entered Western Sahara.
There are now 350,000 settlers in Western Sahara – twice the number of existing Saharawis. Morocco wants to keep control through changing the demographics.
Morocco has said that it will give limited autonomy to Western Sahara, but Saharawis want the right to self-determination.
The ongoing negotiations between Polisario and the Moroccan authorities are not very promising. If Morocco blocks the negotiations there seems to be no other way out than another round of war.
In May 2005 the Saharawi people launched the biggest intifada, or uprising, against the Moroccan authorities yet seen. It started in the capital Layoun but spread to the other cities
Actions
It continues today. Three or four times a week there are actions somewhere in the occupied territories.
People fight against the police, throwing stones, hanging Polisario flags – six hundred people have been imprisoned as a result.
But Morocco has faced a lot of pressure from international human rights groups, which has forced it to release prisoners.
There is also employment discrimination against Saharawis. The Moroccan settlers are given all of the jobs in the key phosphates and fishing industries. They control Western Sahara's wealth.
During the disturbances the settlers help the police rather than staying neutral.
Morocco built a huge wall around Western Sahara, known as the "Sandwall" to stop Polisario guerrillas infiltrating the area. It also planted one million landmines.
Many in the population are nomads with animals. From time to time they die because of landmines.
Morocco is a US ally in the "war on terror". Because of this George Bush's government is pro-Morocco. There are promising reserves of oil in the Western Saharan territories.
This is one of the reasons why Morocco continues the occupation. The US has become involved because of the oil reserves.
The Saharawi people are living within a blockade. We call on the international community to safeguard our people's rights.
The people of Britain should put pressure on Morocco to cease its violation of our human rights

النزاع حول الصحراء الغربية: ماذا بعد مانهاست؟

النزاع حول الصحراء الغربية: ماذا بعد مانهاست؟ ابراهيم الحَيْسن
24/08/2007
اسدل الستار قبل ايام علي مفاوضات مانهاست الثانية التي جرت بين المملكة المغربية وجبهة البوليزاريو باشراف من السيدين بيتر فان والسوم المبعوث الخاص للصحراء الغربية وجوليان هارستون منسق المينورسو، وذلك يومي الجمعة والسبت 10 و11 آب/اغسطس 2007 بمانهاست في لونج ايلاند/ ضواحي نيويورك. وقد حضر هذه المفاوضات الوفدان الجزائري والموريتاني بصفتهما البلدين المجاورين وجهت لهما الدعوة كملاحظين من طرف الامانة العامة للامم المتحدة. اشرف علي الوفد الجزائري السفير المستشار رمطان لعمامرة، فيما كان علي راس الوفد الموريتاني سيدي محمد ولد بوبكر وزير اول سابق..الي جانب دول مجموعة اصدقاء الصحراء (الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، بريطانيا، فرنسا، روسيا). وكما كان متوقعا، فقد انتهت هذه المفاوضات كما بدات بالتعثر والفشل، الامر الذي حال دون احراز اي تقدم يذكر، وان كان المحفوظ علي بيبا رئيس الوفد الصحراوي (عضو الامانة الوطنية العامة ورئيس البرلمان الصحراوي) وصف هذه المفاوضات بـ المفيدة موضحا في تصريح ادلي به عقب انتهاء المحادثات ان الطرف الصحراوي تعاون بشكل تام مع المبعوث الشخصي للامين العام للامم المتحدة الي الصحراء الغربية، في نقاش خطوات بناء الثقة المطلوبة لخلق جو ايجابي بين الطرفين . ويكمن جوهر الخلاف بين الجانبين المتفاوضين اساسا في مسألة السيادة باهم الاختصاصات التي ترمز اليها. فالمغرب يري بان منح الصحراويين حكما ذاتيا موسّعا كفيل بانهاء النزاع حول الصحراء الغربية، بينما تعتبر جبهة البوليزاريو ان الحل الامثل لا يمرّ سوي عبر اجراء استفتاء حر ونزيه وعام تحت اشراف الامم المتحدة يقرّر من خلاله الصحراويون مصيرهم في دولة مستقلة او الحاق اقليم الصحراء الغربية بالمغرب او منح الاقليم حكما ذاتيا.. فاذا كانت التصريحات المتفائلة التي طبعت الجولة الاولي من المفاوضات (منتصف حزيران/ يونيو 2007) نتيجة كونها لا زالت في بدايتها وان كل طرف اكتفي بعرض مقترحاته من دون الدخول في التفاصيل والجزئيات التي عادة ما تصاحبها الخلافات، وعلي نقيض الاجواء التحضيرية والتصريحات الاعلامية التي سبقت اجراء المفاوضات الاخيرة والتي كانت مليئة ايضا بـ التفاؤل والتعبير عن الاستعداد للتفاوض بحسن نية، فان هذه المفاوضات اتسمت بالتوتر والتشدّد والجمود وتبني مواقف راديكالية واحادية، ولا سيما من طرف المغرب الذي لا يريد مناقشة اي حل عدا مقترح الحكم الذاتي تحت السيادة المغربية ويعتبره اقصي ما يمكن التفاوض بشانه، كما يقول المغاربة المتفاوضون انفسهم!! الا يعد ذلك شرطا مسبقا يلغي باقي الخيارات الاخري التي تطرحها جبهة البوليزاريو علي طاولة التفاوض والحوار، ابرزها استفتاء تقرير المصير المؤدي الي الاستقلال الوطني؟ وتعتبر الجبهة ان طرح هذه الخيارات للنقاش ـ الي جانب الحكم الذاتي ـ يعد مدخلا اساسيا لحل النزاع حول الصحراء الغربية، لا سيما وان مجلس الامن الدولي اشار مرتين في ديباجته ومنطوقه (اللائحة 1754 ـ الاثنين 30 نيسان/ ابريل 2007) الي تقرير مصير شعب الصحراء الغربية وفق لوائح ومبادئ ميثاق الامم المتحدة، من حيث كونه ـ تقرير المصير المتضمن لخيار الاستقلال الوطني ـ هدفا محوريا للمفاوضات الجارية.. وكان شكيب بنموسي رئيس الوفد المغربي (وزير الداخلية) دعا الوفد الصحراوي الي الاستسلام تحت مسمي سلام الشجعان لا غالب فيه ولا مغلوب، كما وصف موقف البوليزاريو بـ المتصلب متهما جبهة البوليزاريو بالاصرار علي خطط واقتراحات تَبين انها غير قابلة للتطبيق في اشارة الي تقرير المصير الذي تطالب به البوليزاريو (الكلام للوزير المغربي)، لكن بالمقابل اكد الوفد الصحراوي علي لسان احد اعضائه، وهو البشير الصغير (مستشار زعيم جبهة البوليزاريو) ان المغاربة يخضعون لتعليمات صارمة ويكرّرون نفس الخطاب ولا يريدون التطرق الي المواضيع والملفات الاخري كالمسائل المتعلقة باللاجئين والمعتقلين الصحراويين والثروات الطبيعية واستغلالها والتنقل الحر للاشخاص ..وتظل النقطة الايجابية الوحيدة المميزة لهذه المفاوضات، هي المبادرة المحمودة التي اقترحها الوسيط الاممي بيتر فان والسوم والمتمثلة في جملة من الاجراءات والتدابير الانسانية الكفيلة بزرع اجواء الثقة بين الوفدين المتفاوضين ولتحسين معيشة الصحراويين، وقد ضمت هذه المبادرة: تنسيق العمل في مجال ازالة ونزع الالغام، تشكيل لجنة عسكرية مشتركة بين المغاربة والصحراويين مهمتها السهر علي مراقبة وقف اطلاق النار، توسيع التدابير الخاصة بالزيارات العائلية وزيادة عددها، تبادل الزيارات الرسمية بين الطرفين وتنظيم رحلات حج مشتركة بين صحراويي الضفتين. غير ان تعنّت الطرف المغربي ـ حسبما صرّح به محمد خداد عضو الوفد الصحراوي المشارك في المفاوضات ومنسق جبهة البوليزاريو مع الامم المتحدة ـ حال دون قبول هذه المقترحات التي اعتبرتها جبهة البوليزاريو مبادرة انسانية خلاقة من شانها التخفيف من معاناة الصحراويين والمساعدة علي تقريب وجهات نظر الوفدين المتفاوضين .. وفي قراءة اولية للمعطيات القبلية المحصل عليها من هذه المفاوضات، تبرز علي السطح ثلاثة تساؤلات هي:التساؤل الاول:ما الذي كان يعنيه بالضبط المحفوظ علي بيبا (رئيس الوفد الصحراوي) بعبارة المفيدة في تعليقه علي مفاوضات الجولة الثانية، مدعما ذلك بتصريح مرقون وزّع علي الصحافة؟ هل كان يعني:ـ الاحساس بقوة المقترح الذي تقدمت به جبهة البوليزاريو والمتضمن للعديد من ضمانات ما بعد استفتاء تقرير المصير التي استحسنها المجتمع الدولي، والمتصلة بحالة وحقوق المغاربة القاطنين بالاقليم والتعاون في كل القطاعات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والامنية..وغيرها. علما ان من ابرز الامور التي تمحورت حولها نقاشات اليوم الاول لهذه المباحثات ـ الثانية ـ هي قضايا الموارد الطبيعية بالصحراء الغربية وعرض النظام الانتخابي لدي كل من الطرفين ..ـ حدوث ارتباك ما لدي الوفد المغربي، لا سيما وانه كشف الاوراق التي يلعبها علي مائدة المباحثات منذ البداية، مع العلم ان التفاوض قد يستلزم جولات كثيرة تتطلب نَفَسا ـ بفتح الفاء ـ طويلا لكسب الرهان..ـ الوعي الصحراوي المسبق بحجم المسافة الفاصلة بين المنطلقات والمآلات وما يتطلبه ذلك من اساليب الاقناع والمحاججة والاستدلال ومقارعة الراي بالراي والدليل بالدليل..لعل في الامر سرّ ما يعرفه علي بيبا ورفاقه؟التساؤل الثاني:ورد في كلمة رئيس الوفد المغربي شكيب بنموسي تعبير سلام الشجعان ، عندما قال: بان مبادرة الحكم الذاتي هي الطريق الصائب نحو سلام الشجعان، لانها تمثل منطلقا حقيقيا للحوار والتفاوض بغية ايجاد ارضية للتوافق .فتعبير سلام الشجعان ـ Paix des braves ينسب الي الجنرال ديغول الذي استعمله لاول مرة حين دعا الي تسوية مع جبهة التحرير الوطني لوضع حد لحرب الجزائر (1954 ـ 1964). ومن ثم، اضحي تعبيرا سياسيا مالوفا استعمل في مباحثات اوسلو التي اجراها الفلسطينيون مع الاسرائيليين عام 1993، مثلما استعمل خلال الازمة السودانية..وغير ذلك كثير.ولا شك ان هذا التعبير الجديد/ القديم في خطاب التفاوض، يبرز دور الفكر (الفكر الخلاق) في تسوية النزاعات، لكن شريطة توفر الارادة الحقيقية والاستعداد التام لدي كل الاطراف المتفاوضة لبلوغ نقطة الاتفاق، الي جانب التوفر علي الشجاعة السياسية التي هي رديف القرار السياسي السديد، اي القرار التاريخي والموضوعي والمنصف والديموقراطي..ولامتلاك الشجاعة السياسية، لا بد من توفر الشجاعة نفسها التي تقود الي مراجعة المواقف بحكمة وتبصر واستقامة. فالشجاعة او المروءة، كما عرَّفها اللغويون، تعني: شدّة القلب في البأس. ورجل شَجاع وشِجاع وشُجاع واشجع وشجيع وشَجعة من قوم شِجاع وشُجاع وشجعاء. والاشجع من الرجال: مثل الشجاع، ويقال للذي فيه خفة كالهَوَج لقوّته، ويسمي به الاسد.وقد ميّز الفلاسفة وعلماء الاخلاق بين انواع الشجاعة، فتحدثوا عن الشجاعة العسكرية كالبسالة في المعركة والاقدام علي الحرب دون خوف او رهبة وعن قناعة تامة بحتمية النصر..والشجاعة السياسية في اتخاذ القرارات المصيرية الحاسمة، والشجاعة الاخلاقية كقول كلمة الحق من دون خوف او تردد..فضلا عن صنوف اخري كالشجاعة النفسية في مواجهة المرض والازمات والانواء والشجاعة الادبية والفكرية والاعلامية وغير ذلك. وفي شتي الحالات، فان الشجاعة تقتضي الجرأة، والجراة شرط المواجهة والاستعداد..فليس عيبا التنازل او التراجع عن موقف ما اتضح عدم جدواه، وليس عيبا كذلك مدّ يد الصفح والتسامح مع الآخرين والاعتذار لهم بعد انكشاف الاخطاء من اجل بناء مشروع مشترك، او تحقيق مصلحة متبادلة ذات نفع عام..فليعلم السيد شكيب بنموسي ان الكف عن ممارسة العنف واعتقال الصحراويين وقمع الراي المختلف ومصادرته، هي ايضا من اشكال الشجاعة السياسية. فينبغي القبول بمعارضة سياسية بالصحراء الغربية طالما انها سلمية لا تلجأ الي خطاب العنف والتدمير. كما ان الانصات الحقيقي لمطالب الصحراويين وازالة الفوارق الطبقية وارساء دعائم العدالة الاجتماعية بالاقليم والقضاء علي البغاء السياسي ـ Prostitution politique واستئصال جذوره ومعاقله (وهي كثيرة)، هي ايضا من انواع سلام الشجعان التي ينبغي طرحها علي طاولة التفاوض..سياسيا، لم يكن سلام الشجعان ممكنا في فرنسا الا عندما حرّرت كل اراضيها عام 1945 من الاحتلال النازي، ولم يكن الامر نفسه ممكنا الا عندما تحرّرت الجزائر بصفة تامة عام 1962 بعد 132 سنة من الاحتلال الفرنسي، مثلما لم يكن ممكنا في افريقيا الجنوبية سوي بعد ان تغير حكم البيض والقضاء علي الابارتايد..الخ. من هذه الزاوية بالضبط تفهم جبهة البوليزاريو سلام الشجعان وتقبل مناقشته.التساؤل الثالث:يري الكثير من المحللين السياسيين ان الهدف من نقل الجولة القادمة من المفاوضات المباشرة بين المغرب وجبهة البوليزاريو الي بلد اوروبي يعود الي الرغبة في التخفيف من الضغط الذي تمارسه بعض القوي السياسية الامريكية التي ابدت تعاطفا مع المقترح المغربي ووصفته بـ المرن ..لكن جبهة البوليزاريو نفت هذا التأويل مؤكدة ان المقترح الصحراوي يحظي بالتقدير والاهتمام لدي المجتمع الدولي، وان الوسيط الاممي بيتر فان والسوم هو نفسه من سيرعي المباحثات القادمة..وفي كل الحالات، يظل دخول الولايات المتحدة الامريكية خط النزاع حول الصحراء الغربية يتصل بتولي وزير خارجيتها الاسبق جيمس بيكر مهمة السكرتير الخاص للامين العام للامم المتحدة وقد اشتهر بمخطط التسوية الذي قدمه في نسخة اولي وثانية تعرف باسم مخطط السلام من اجل تقرير مصير شعب الصحراء الغربية ..فضلا عن كونه قاد واشرف علي اتفاقيات هيوستن بتاريخ 14 ايلول (سبتمبر) 1997..اضف الي ذلك الوساطة الانسانية التي قامت بها الادارة الامريكية بين المغرب وجبهة البوليزاريو من اجل اطلاق سراح اسري الحرب، وهو الامر الذي استجابت له الجبهة باطلاق آخر دفعة من اسري الحرب المغاربة لديها وعددهم 404 اسري. وقد ظلت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية حريصة في كل مواقفها علي عدم زعزعة استقرار المغرب في عهد الملك الحالي محمد السادس خصوصا بعد ان اظهر استمراره علي نهج والده الراحل الحسن الثاني، مثلما ظلت حريصة في نفس الوقت علي عدم اغضاب الجزائر، الامر الذي كان يتطلب من واشنطن نهج حل وسط ياخذ بعين الاعتبار وفي المقام الاول المصالح الامريكية في شمال افريقيا..فاذا كان الامين العام للامم المتحدة بان كي مون صرّح قبل شهور في لقاء مع قناة الجزيرة القطرية باستبعاد الوصول الي حل لازمة الصحراء الغربية خلال المستقبل القريب، وهو ما يفهم كذلك من تصريحات ميشيل مونتا كبيرة المتحدثين باسم الامم المتحدة حين قالت: اننا لا زلنا في بداية عمل شاق وطويل ، فلان المفاوضات بين المغرب وجبهة البوليزاريو قد تستغرق جولات كثيرة، لا سيما في ظل ظروف المناورة والتعنّت والتصلب والتشدد، وفي غياب مساحات تذكر لتقديم تنازلات، كما قال محللون سياسيون.فالتفاوض هو الفرصة الاخيرة لطي هذا النزاع التاريخي الذي طال امده، وهو الحل الامثل لتجنيب المنطقة تطاحنا عسكريا قد يتجدّد في اية لحظة..لذلك يستمد التفاوض حتميته من كونه المخرج الملائم والممكن استخدامه لمعالجة القضية التفاوضية والوصول الي حلول مقْنِعة ـ بتسكين القاف وكسر النون ـ لانهاء المشكلة المتنازع بشانها. فهو يشكل اداة حوار وآلية من اهم آليات حل المنازعات بالطرق السلمية (ميثاق الامم المتحدة/ الفصل السادس ـ المادة الثالثة والثلاثون)، مثلما يعد مخرجا نهائيا يقود الي الاستقرار وينهض علي الاقناع والاقتناع ويشترط التكيف السريع والمستمر مع المتغيرات المحيطة بالعملية التفاوضية.. وفي انتظار انعقاد الجولة القادمة (الثالثة) من المفاوضات المباشرة بين المملكة المغربية وجبهة البوليزاريو والمزمع اقامتها باوروبا قبل متم العام الجاري، يظل من الصعب التكهن بالسيناريوهات المحتملة التي قد تؤول اليها هذه المفاوضات لا سيما في ظل وجود بون شاسع وخلاف جوهري بين حلين متباعدين بُعد السماء عن الارض، هما: تمتيع اقليم الصحراء الغربية بحكم ذاتي تحت السيادة المغربية كما تقترح الرباط، واجراء استفتاء حر ونزيه وعام باشراف الامم المتحدة ويفضي الي الاستقلال الوطني وبناء الدولة الصحراوية كما تريد جبهة البوليزاريو

"A 30 year Conflict":Western Sahara conflict n CNN -Inside Africa.

http://edition.cnn.com/video/#/video/international/2007/08/21/inside.africa.conflict.western.sahara.cnn

Sáhara.- Moratinos afirma que actualmente es 'imposible' el referéndum en Sáhara 'sin un mínimo de acuerdo'

Sáhara.- Moratinos afirma que actualmente es 'imposible' el referéndum en Sáhara 'sin un mínimo de acuerdo

'EL ESCORIAL (MADRID), 15 (EUROPA PRESS)

El ministro de Asuntos Exteriores, Miguel Ángel Moratinos, afirmó hoy que el Gobierno "no descarta la posibilidad de un referéndum" en el Sáhara, aunque matizó que "hoy es imposible sin un mínimo de acuerdo" porque produciría la desestabilización del Magreb.
En este sentido, subrayó que la voluntad del Gobierno es "abandonar la actitud hipócrita del no compromiso". "Nuestra voluntad es ir al desierto, remangarnos y mancharnos. Este Gobierno podrá cometer muchos errores, pero no cometerá el de no comprometerse políticamente" en el conflicto."No vamos a traicionar los derechos legítimos del pueblo saharaui", manifestó en una conferencia sobre terrorismo en los Cursos de Verano de la Universidad Complutense, y añadió que una solución aceptable para todo el mundo "es una necesidad objetiva y vital para ellos y sobre todo para nosotros, porque si no, seguiremos viviendo situaciones como el 11 de marzo"."Llevamos treinta años mirando al sur o a Naciones Unidas, creyendo que otros van a solucionar nuestros problemas, y teniendo la conciencia tranquila porque todos los veranos recibimos a treinta o cuarenta saharauis, les damos de comer, les enseñamos lo que es la modernidad y luego les enviamos a los campamentos a sufrir vientos, humillaciones, y sobre todo, sin ninguna esperanza de futuro", concluyó.

A Detailed Report on the Violations of Human Rights Perpetrated by the Moroccan state in the Western Sahara and against the Sahrawi Citizens in Morocc

Collectif des Défenseurs Sahraouis
des droits de l'homme
El Aaiun / Sahara Occidental

collectif.shrd@gmail.com

The CODESA Secretariat,
El Aaiun, Western Sahara.
August 08, 2007.

A Detailed Report
on the Violations of Human Rights Perpetrated by the Moroccan state in the Western Sahara and against the Sahrawi Citizens in Morocco since the passing of the UN 1754 Resolution in April 2007.


Preface

As the United Nations passed the Resolution 1754 in April 2007, the Moroccan state has been violating the Sahrawi human rights through waves of arbitrary arrest and abduction, torture, brutal crackdowns, breaking into the Sahrawis’ houses, banning peaceful protest demonstrations, and different kinds of illtreatment.

All this is still happening in spite of the recommendations of the international human rights organizations such as Amnesty International 2006, Human Rights Watch 2006, the UNHCHR (May 2006), Frontline 2006. The recommendations and calls on the Moroccan regime to stop such practices has not helped in reducing the Moroccan violations of human rights in the Western Sahara.

And despite the call of the resolution 1754 to both parts to start the negotiations with good faith and without any preconditions, the Moroccan state is still insisting to brutally treat the Sahrawi citizens in the territories under the Moroccan administration.

The main unlawful practices are savage beating of civilians who dare to declare their opinions concerning the Western Sahara that is different from the Moroccan regime’s point of view, breaking into their houses, the maltreatment of those taken in custody( forcing the girls arrested to sweep and clean the police centers before being released, urinating upon the Sahrawi detainees in custody, especially children ( Mohamed Boutabbaa, 14 years old), savage torture of the detainees even in front of their mothers ( for example Lmaissi Abdennasser, 14 years old), rape of some girls and boys ( Very few can mention their rape because of the social restrictions in the Arab societies ; it is a disgrace to talk about one’s rape), the inhuman torture in different places, the police vans, the judicial police centers, at schools, on the streets, in houses and mainly in remote areas at the outskirts of El Aaiun ( for example the ex-political prisoner, Mohamed Ettahlil).

The Moroccan security forces responsible for these unlawful acts are mainly the Auxiliary Forces, the Gendarmerie, the DST (Direction de Securité Territoriale) and the GUS ( Le Groupe Urbain de Securité), etc.

Different schools in the main Sahrawi cities, especially El Aaiun, are under strict police control. The judicial police agents in civil clothes have been inside the schools for the whole year controlling the Sahrawi students. All the high schools and Junior High Schools in El Aaiun, for example, have been characterized by the presence of these secret police agents spending the whole day inside the schools, moving through classes, provoking the Sahrawi students, and frequently arresting the ‘pro-independence students’ from their classes (A student in Lamsalla High School in El Aaiun, for example).

Particularly in El Aaiun, minor children have been targeted by the Moroccan security forces especially since January 2007. They have been abducted, thrown in remote areas outside the city, arrested, tortured, brutally beaten on different parts, but especially on the head, ears and the sexual organs. They have also been kept in custody for periods ranging from 48 to 72 hours, without their parents knowing, in violation of Child Rights Convention hours, without their parents knowing, in violation of the Child Rights Convention.


Chronology of the Events

On May 1st, the Sahrawi human rights activists and citizens celebrated the Day of Laborers in El Aaiun together with the Moroccan Association of Human Rights. The Sahrawi political prisoners’ families called for the release of the detainees and condemned the violations of human rights perpetrated by the Moroccan authorities against the Sahrawi citizens and activists.

The Sahrawi militants and the Moroccan ones from the AMDH and the Moroccan party Ennahj Addimouqrati distributed a release calling for the Sahrawi right to self-determination.

On May 11, 2007, the Moroccan police savagely repressed a peaceful protest demonstration in Dcheira Square at about 10:00. The demonstrators were mainly the political prisoners' families, the university students’ families. Many Sahrawis were injured (Alaaiza El Gasmi, Nanha Ahnini, Ahmad Brahim, and Brahim Ben Lbachir) and some of them arrested (Mohamed Kaziza, Mohamed Yeslem Zad-Ennas, Ali Essaadouni, Mohamed Ould Maouloud, Lahcen Laabeidi).

On May 15, 2007, the Moroccan court of appeal in El Aaiun, Western Sahara has condemned the Sahrawi political prisoners Ghali Zougham, Omar Belyazid and Cheikh Benalla to two years imprisonment, as it was 3 years in the court of first instance.
Abdessalam Daida and Mouloud Elhajaj ‘s verdicts were reduced from 3 years to 2 years and a half imprisonment.
Mohamed Salem Bahaha and Said Loumadi’s verdict was reduced from a year and a half to one year.
.

In Rabat, the capital of Morocco, Moroccan riot police wielding truncheons clashed Thursday, May 17, 2007 with Sahrawi students demanding independence for Western Sahara. Saharawi students have staged a sit-in since Monday at Mohamed V University in Rabat.

Early Thursday morning, police surprised sleeping students, beating them with truncheons as they camped out before the gate of a student housing complex.
The police arrested 10 students, bundling them into vans while still wrapped in blankets. They took money and mobile phones from students.

Police then blockaded an avenue running in front of the housing complex. In mid-morning, around 60 riot police wielding truncheons charged some 50 Saharawi students who had remained at the scene.

Police and Saharawi students also clashed a few days earlier at Hassan II University in Casablanca, Morocco.

On 22 May 2007, a Court of Appeal in El Aaiun extended the sentences of the political prisoners and human rights activists Brahim Sabbar and Ahmed Sbai detained in El Aaiun ‘Black Prison’ since June 2006.

The Moroccan repressive forces proceeded on Friday May 25, 2007 at 13: 30 GMT, with a violent and savage intervention, against the Sahrawi citizens who were demonstrating, at the Inaach district, to claim the respect of the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination.
This violent and savage intervention resulted in:
Arrests:1 - Hamza LABRAS2 - Elmahfoud BOUTANGUIZA3 - Mohamed Fadel ATBAL4 - Mohamed Fadel SBAAI5 - Mohamed Salek Elkhalil6 - Brahim AKID

The invitation of these families to come to the Judicial Police center:
1 - family of. Laghdaf ABBA ( in Maatallah district)2 - family of Hamdi AYACH (in Maatallah district)

The Violation and Burst into the houses of:
1 - Abdeljalil Ould Mohamed Fadel Ould Sidi Laabeid (his wife, Ghalouha TILMIDI, was savagely beaten, as well as his son Lahcen, whereas this two daughters, Azoueina and Kalthoum were arrested)2 - Mahfoud AGOUIRINA who was arrested with his wife, Aghleina ment Barhah, and his two sons Erragueb and Naseur, as well as his daughter Khalida who is only 4 years old.3 - Babeya Ould Bahya
The Sahrawi citizens who were arrested were released afterwards after many hours of detention and were subjected to beating and ill treatment.
In El Aaiun, Western Sahara, four Sahrawi political prisoners appeared on Tuesday May 29, 2007, before the Court of Appeal of El Aaiun. The court maintained the same sentences pronounced by the court of El Aaiun, Western Sahara, against Elwali AMIDANE , Yahdih ETAROUZI and Bachri BEN TALEB, who were condemned to five years imprisonment whereas Mr. Lamine BADA was condemned to one year and half.
The two young Sahrawis, Mohamed ELAASRI and Khatari ELBAILLAL were arrested, on Saturday May 26, 2007, near Maatallah district, at 20: 00 GMT. They were both subjected to interrogation in the judicial police center.
Mansour AJDEY was kidnapped, according to his family, and the Moroccan authorities deny being informed of his fate.
Two other young Sahrawis were arrested on Monday, May 28, 2007, by the Moroccan police force, and were subjected to heavy interrogation, between 15: 30 and 17: 00 GMT. The two Sahrawis are: Abeih Ould Sid Ahmed Ould Embarek Elaabed, born in 1989, and Mohamed Elmebrem BADRI, born in 1989.
The 17 year-old Sahrawi citizen, Omar Eddawdi, had been subjected to savage and inhuman treatment on Monday May 28, 2007. He was arrested at 22: 00 GMT and faced horrible forms of physical and psychological torture.
On May 31, 2007, the court of first instance in Agadir, Morocco (600 kilometers south of Rabat) sentenced five Sahrawi university students; arrested On 3rd May at the university campus of Agadir , to two months’ imprisonment.
These students were organizing a peaceful demonstration calling for the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination and independence while the Moroccan security forces cracked them down. They arrested many students but kept these five who were sentenced to two months imprisonment:
Ahmed Chain, a first year university Law student, Mahmoud Elfilali, a third year university History student, Mohamed Chwaiaar, a third year Arab Literature student, Lahoucine Lemghaifar, a second year French Literature university student and Abazaid Kadal, a first year university History student.

On Friday June 1, 2007, the Moroccan repressive forces arrested Mr. Bachraya LACHGAR, as a hostage, who was not released until Sunday June 3, 2007, after the arrest of his brother, Mr. Echrif LACHGAR, born in 1989, who is still detained in the center of the judicial police.
Since Friday June 1, 2007, Mr. Laaroussi ELBARBOUCHI, born in 1990, Mr. Aabidine KRAITA and Mr. Laaroussi BABEIT, were in a state of detention in the center of the judicial police. All these prisoners were savagely tortured.
On June 14, 2007, the Moroccan authorities brutally repressed a peaceful demonstration in Maatallah district in El Aaiun, WS. The protest demonstration was organized by the Sahrawi population in solidarity with the Sahrawi students at the Moroccan universities who had been savagely oppressed too the previous days (the latest was in Rabat on June 12, 2007)

On June 20th, 2007, the Moroccan court in El Aaiun, Western Sahara sentenced two Moroccan police agents responsible for the torture and murder of the Sahrawi citizen, Hamdi Lembarki at the night of 30th October, 2005 because of his participation in a peaceful protest demonstration calling for the Sahrawi people's right to self-determination and independence.However, the CODESA notices a complete indifference of the Moroccan authorities towards the complaints handed out by some Sahrawi human rights defenders and many Sahrawi citizens, who were subjected to torture and inhuman ill-treatment, especially women and minor children. The CODESA also expresses its concern about this kind of trials. The Moroccan Court of Appeal in Agadir, Morocco has already sentenced a Moroccan "gendarmerie" agent responsible for the torture and murder of the Sahrawi citizen, "Chwihi Slaiman" in 2005 in Guelmim, south of Morocco to 10 years' imprisonment. This verdict was cancelled in 2006 and the Moroccan agent was declared innocent. Thus, the CODESA insists on the Moroccan state's responsibility for the crimes against humanity perpetrated against the Sahrawi citizens, and calls for the investigation in the alleged torture cases registered in the Moroccan courts.


The Moroccan authorities in El Ayun, Western Sahara are imposing a strict police control on different districts, streets and educational institutions that are hosting the end-of-year examinations. This has negatively affected the students who took their exams in difficult stressful conditions.
The Sahrawi minors and teenagers have been suffering greatly from the Moroccan police interventions at schools, their arrest and torture in different places, especially in the police vans. Some of these students were deprived of taking their exams. The case of Mohamed Boutabbaa, 17 years old is a good example. Boutabaa was arrested, spent five days being interrogated at the judicial police center, and then put in the Black Jail in El Aaiun, Western Sahara. The reason was his participation in pro-independence demonstrations.
Salah Eddine Achraf, 14 years old, and Ahmad Chtouqui, 11 years old, were also arrested by some judicial police agents. They were interrogated for a period ranging from 04 to 08 hours. They allege that they were subject to beating and inhuman treatment.The Sahrawi young citizen, Ali Tawbbali, 20 years old, was arrested on June 14th, 2007. He spent 24 hours in the judicial police center in El Aaiun, where he was severely beaten on all his body´s parts. This resulted in injuries on his back, knees, ears and eyes.The CODESA noticed with great concern the increase of political detention among the Sahrawi minors and young people, especially these two late months. It also remarked the Moroccan authorities´ pressure on these children and their families not to unveil these violations. They warn them not to write complaints or contact the human rights associations or publish their pictures of torture on newspapers and the web

On Tuesday, June 26, 2007, three Sahrawi political prisoners faced trial in the Court of Appeal in El Aaiun, the capital of Western Sahara.
The three prisoners were Yahdih Ettarrouzi, the Sahrawi human rights activist and member of the CODESA, who was arrested on September 13th, 2007 by secret police agents in Tantan, south of Morocco.He was sentenced to one year of imprisonment in the court of El Aaiun, Western Sahara, on April 17th, 2007, for his participation in the pro-independence demonstrations on May 25th, 2005.
The second is the political prisoner, and member of the CODESA, Elwali Amidane arrested in mid-October, 2006, only six months after his release. The reason is his participation in the pro-independence demonstrations in August 2005 in El Aaiun.
The third is the political prisoner, Bachri Ben Taleb, who was arrested for the same reasons in late September 2006.
Both Elwali and Bachri were sentenced to 05 years imprisonment on May 17th, 2007 by the Court of Appeal in El Aaiun.Two Spanish lawyers attended the trial proceedings that were delayed twice.

The United Nations and the human rights organizations celebrated The International Day in Support of Victims of Torture on June 26th every year, the day that the General Assembly has agreed upon to speak out against torture worldwide.
The torture practiced against the indigenous citizens in the Western Sahara by the Moroccan authorities is still continuing because of the increase in the peaceful demonstrations calling for the Sahrawi people's right to self-determination, which has left its profound effect on individuals, families and the people of the Western Sahara as a whole.
These demonstrations have led the Moroccan police to torture some Saharawis to death. Such is the case of Hamdi Lembarki or the deliberate murder of others. The case of Abbachaikh Lakhlifi, is an obvious example.
The Moroccan authorities were behind the torture, the inhuman treatment of the Sahrawi citizens such as abduction, arrest, rape, false trials as well as the savage violence used against the political prisoners, women and children at schools, universities, public streets, in the police centers and vans. Some of them were thrown in remote areas outside their cities, others were either fire burnt (Salek Essaidi, for example) or become handicapped (Sultana Khaya, Hammadi Ezzaibour, the child Lmaissi Abdennasser…)
On June 26th, 2007, the Moroccan court of appeal in El Aaiun, Western Sahara condemned some Sahrawi political prisoners to hard, unjust sentences ranging from 10 months imprisonment to Yahdih Ettarrouzi and 05 years’ imprisonment to both Amidane Elwali and Bachri Ben Taleb.
The trial of these Sahrawi political prisoners coincided with the International Day to Support Torture Victims, and was an opportunity for the political prisoners to call the United Nations to investigate into the flagrant violations of human rights perpetrated by the Moroccan state against the Sahrawi citizens, and to enlarge the MINURSO responsibilities to include the protection of human rights in the territory.
The court was under complete police control, which is a “normal” practice at the trials in Morocco and the Western Sahara. The Sahrawi citizens and the political prisoners’ families were not allowed to attend the false, unjust trial. This led the defence lawyers to call for the fair trial conditions and to lift the police blockade imposed upon the courts. The court of El Aaiun body has twice positively responded to their call, while the court of Marrakech has rejected it earlier, which led the lawyers to withdraw from the court. The Sahrawi students in Marrakech were unjustly sentenced to harsh unfair verdicts lacking the fair trial conditions, the most important of which is the overtness of the hearings.
In early July and some few days before, the Moroccan authorities intensified its arrest campaign especially against minor children due to their participation in the peaceful demonstrations calling for the Sahrawi people's self-determination and independence.
These children have been arrested at different places in El Aaiun, without their parents' awareness. When the parents ask about their children, the Moroccan judicial police deny that they have any detainees. Then the parents resort to hospitals and the surroundings of the city, as it has become a custom that the detainees are thrown out at the outskirts.
The parents frequently hand out a complaint to the king prosecutor, describing their children's illegal detention, their police interrogation and their inhuman torture. Many of these minors have suffered psychological breakdown and life-lasting disabilities on the head, the ears and other sensitive parts of the body.While these families are waiting for the court investigation of the torture committed by the police, the latter is continuing to arrest more children everyday.

These arrests have influenced their education : the police in civil clothes are inside the schools and outside controlling the educational institutes, which led most of the students to leave school forever, or at least change the school where they study to another one that is probably in another city.
The children talk about the torture they face even inside the police vans and the continuous interrogation in order to obtain confessions from them. The child Lmaissi Abdennasser, who partly lost the sense of hearing, was tortured with his mother by the officials of the judicial police.
The children were tortured, beaten, verbally abused and ill-treated. Some of them were sprayed with dirty water and even human urine. Before being released, their families have to sign a commitment that their children will never participate in the peaceful protest demonstrations.
The CODESA has received a list of the minors who were detained, tortured between 05 and 06 July 2007, taking into account that many families are still afraid to inform the HR organizations about their children's ill-treatment:

1. Brahim Hallab2.Laaroussi Hilal3.Salama Hallab4.Nafea Baidi5.Ennajem Faidal Elgarhi6.Mohamed Sabrat7.Kraitta Zain Elaabidine8.Ahrim Tayeb9.Mansour Elaamiri10.Mohamed Chlouki11.Essalek Hallab12.Essalek Mnaissir



On July 2nd, 2007, the court of appeal in Marrakech has postponed the trial of 08 students to July 16, 2007.

On July 03, 2007, the court of appeal in Rabat also delayed the trial of the Rabat university students to July 10th, 2007.
The Sahrawi students in Agadir were released after 2 months imprisonment.



On July 4, 2007, three Sahrawi political prisoners were presented to the court of first instance in El Aaiun, W.S. They had been arrested in Smara, Western Sahara during the peaceful demonstrations calling for the Sahrawi people's right to self-determination organized by Sahrawi citizens in the city.The Moroccan judicial police in Smara, W.S. has charged the Sahrawi political prisoners of false criminal accusations. These prisoners are: - Khallihana Dlimi; 50 years old.- Barkou Hamid; 28 years old.- Barkou Maouloud; 26 years old.The lawyers of defence have been surprised because of the speedy trial of these prisoners, as this kind of cases normally takes a long period of time due to the complexity of the regulations. This case has lasted only 10 days.
On Tuesday, July 10th, 2007, the court of appeal in Rabat, the capital of Morocco has sentenced 09 Sahrawi political prisoners to verdicts ranging from 04 to 08 months imprisonment.The court of first instance in Rabat had already sentenced the same detainees for 08 months imprisonment for all these detainees a couple of weeks ago.The trial today was attended by two foreign observers representing the High Council for the Spanish Lawyers, and was characterized by the defence of the Sahrawi lawyers and others from the Moroccan Association for Human Rights.
At the end of the trial, 1. The Sahrawi university students:
-Mohamed Ali Ndour
-Moulay Ahmad Aillal
- Elhoucine Eddalea
-Ezzaz Elouali
-Najem Sghair

were sentenced to 04 months imprisonment.
2. The Sahrawi high school students:

- Mohamed Elaalaoui
- Mohamed Elgharrabi
-
were sentenced to 04 months imprisonment.
3. The Sahrawi political prisoner, Lekhlifa Ejjenhaoui, was sentenced to 08 months imprisonment.It is worth-mentioning here that these political prisoners were arrested for their organization of a peaceful open protest sit-in in Rabat in solidarity with their comrades in Agadir, Marrakesh and Casablanca. While the students were protesting, they chanted pro-independence slogans and held self-determination banners.

Conclusions

As a result of the peaceful demonstrations calling for the Sahrawi people's right to self-determination and denouncing the flagrant violations of human rights perpetrated by the Moroccan state in the Western Sahara, the United Nations High Commissioner of Human Rights (UNHCHR) paid a visit to El Aaiun, Western Sahara on May 17-18-19 , 2006. The aim of the visit was to look into the human rights situation, as it had been urged by many human rights associations, Sahrawi human rights defenders and many international human rights organizations..
The UNHCHR published a report, ended with a number of recommendations which assert that these violations are basically associated with the call for self-determination. The report also confirms the Moroccan state's responsibility for the violations committed in the part of the territory under the Moroccan colonialism.

Yet, the Moroccan state has been intensifying its crimes against the Sahrawi people, which has been of a great concern to multiple human rights associations and NGOs.
We, as human rights defenders in the CODESA, the Collective of the Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders, have tried to pinpoint the violations committed against the Sahrawi citizens and human rights activists in the Western Sahara or in different parts of Morocco. Here are the main conclusions:

01. The continuous existence of the military and security siege :

Increasing the police agents' existence in the territory:

The intensifying of the peaceful protest demonstrations calling for the Sahrawi people's self-determination has led the Moroccan state to double different security agents:

a. The police: Although, Morocco says that it has cancelled the Urban Security Group, famous as the GUS, the latter is still exercising the same atrocities in the occupied territories of the Western Sahara using their vans for torturing the Sahrawis. The GUS has been responsible for the arrest and torture of the Sahrawi citizens as well as the death of the Sahrawi martyr, Hamdi Lembarki, during the Intifada.
b. The GUS agents are still heavily present in the Western Sahara cities and in the South of Morocco, in small groups (06 to 08 agents) wearing civil clothes and holding truncheons moving in dark blue vans and cars 24/24 a day. These easily seen groups aim at frightening the Sahrawi citizens and repress those who dare to demonstrate.
c. The districts where a lot of Sahrawis live such as Maatallah, Al Inaach, Ezzemla, Alfatteh, Alaawda, El Porko, Almattar, Diraidak districts, are also heavily packed with the GUS agents and secret spies.
d. As far as the other security groups (Les Forces Auxiliaires, Gendarmerie, L'armée Royale) are concerned, they are given specific tense places inside and outside the cities in order to control the Sahrawi citizens and arrest the protestors. As an example, they can be easily noticed in public parks, in streets, near stadiums, in front of hospitals and local prisons, etc.)
e. The DST, the secret police, are responsible for the interrogation and torture of the Sahrawi citizens inside the judicial police centers and in secret detention centers that the citizens cannot recognize.


02. The Schools are places of repression:

a. Oppression at schools:
The students have been demonstrating inside their High schools, Junior high schools and even primary educational institutions since late May 2005.
The police agents immediately oppress any attempt to demonstrate; even worse, the authorities have put a group of secret police agents in civil clothes inside the schools moving among the classes.

Results:
1.intensifying the fear and the repression against the Sahrawi students during the whole school year 2006-2007.
2. the instability and the feeling of constant danger inside the schools. Less concentration and very little learning.
3. Many students left their schools and thought of illegal immigration, some of them have in fact immigrated; others died before reaching the "Land of Paradise".
4. Many Sahrawi students were obliged to change their schools and sometimes even the city to another city in or out of the Western Sahara.
5. Many students have become psychologically upset, (some of them have psychological crisis because of the stress they live in at schools, especially minor children).
6. The parents' worry while their children are at schools for fear that they would be abducted or tortured by the police.
7. All this, of course, has led to very poor end-of-year results, (the Baccalaureate results in particular, example El Aaiun, Western Sahara.)


03. Examples of places where the Moroccan security forces exist:

1.Almorabitin school in El Aaiun, Westrern Sahara has been turned up to a military castle.
2.Foum Elouad beach, 25 kilometres away from El Aaiun, where the Gendarmerie agents are heavily present in order to frighten the Sahrawi holiday makers.
3.Smara street, Skikima street, Almaghrib Alaarabi street, Dadach street, etc. All of them are in El Aaiun, WS.
4. All the places where the Sahrawis may exist in large numbers.



04. The arrests:

During this short period of time, the Moroccan authorities launched a campaign of arrests against the Sahrawi citizens that included:

1. Children:

Children aged from 09 to 17 years old in both April and May 2007. More than 60 Sahrawi child were either arrested or tortured because of distributing the Sahrawi flags and leaflets or writing pro-Polisario slogans on public walls and at schools.

2. WOMEN:

Women are arrested for many reasons:
1. Because of their participation in the peaceful pro-independence demonstrations.
2. their visits to the Sahrawi political prisoners or to the people coming from the refugee camps in the visits organized by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
3. Their publishing of written or oral testimonies about their ill-treatment on newspapers or on websites.
4. Their protest against the violations committed by the Moroccan authorities against them or their families.
5. Their acceptance to let in the children chased by the police after the peaceful demonstrations.
6. Their acceptance to let Sahrawi militants take photos of the Moroccan police crackdown on the demonstrations from their houses ( as what happened during the visit of the UN high Commissioner of human rights to the Western Sahara on May 17-19, 2006.)


05. The treatment:

The way of torture is very violent. It takes the following forms:
1. The interrogation of women and children for long hours, sometimes more than 72 hours.
2. Depriving them from eating, drinking or sleeping as a way of torture.
3. their eyes blindfold and they are handcuffed.
4. Obliging them to stand up during all the period of custody in the judicial police center.
5. Urinating on their bodies.
6. Beating them on sensitive parts of the body (sexual organs, head, ears, etc.) , which resulted in the loss of some senses for some of them (e.g. Lemmaissi Abdennasser)
7. The torture takes both sorts, physical and psychological. Many children suffered a psychological breakdown because of the torture.
8. Some children were arrested together with their mothers and were brutalized in front of them (e.g. the case of Lemmaissi Abdennasser and his mother Ghlana Barhah..)
9. Some of the detainees were kept in transitory custody for illegal periods of time. (e.g. Boutabbaa Mohamed, 17 years old, who is now in the Black Prison in El Aaiun with Abdellah Elboussati, 17 years old who spent 5 days in custody before being sent to the Black Prison).
10. Forcing the Sahrawi minor girls and boys to take off their clothes and to clean the toilets and the judicial police centers.
11. Attacking the minors with different sorts of insults and verbal abuse as well as their threatening by rape.
12. Torture on the stomach that led to abortion (e.g. Ghlana Barhah.)

Remarks:

1. In many cases, the detainees are released late at night and their families are forced to sign a commitment that their child will never participate in the peaceful protest demonstrations that the Moroccan authorities call "disorder".
2. Many of the detainees were arrested because of their photos on the internet in websites, tortured and interrogated on this basis. Then, the police takes their photos in the judicial police center.
3. The arrest of some Sahrawi children was because of their symbolic dancing in the Sahrawi weddings or because of their raising up their hands making the victory sign. Some children were arrested because of their brandishing of the Polisario flag in the wedding.
4. The brutalization of the families while arresting their children, bursting into their houses and breaking down furniture. The detainees' fate is usually unknown as the Moroccan authorities refuses to give any information on their location, and even denying that they have them in custody.


06. The Situation in the Black Prison in El Aaiun, Western Sahara.

The Black Prison in El Aaiun, Western Sahara lacks the least living conditions for prisoners. This is mainly due to:

1. the over-crowdedness of the Black Prison. It contains more than it can receive.
2. Lack of water for general use…
3. Lack or scarcity of medical treatment.
4. Strict control to the prisoners makes them more stressful.
5. Brutalizing them by the prison employees, especially the political prisoners, which are put with the common law detainees in the same cells.
6. The political prisoners' denial of the family visits, especially the relatives such as uncles, aunts, cousins, etc.
7. Forced transfer them to prisons far away from their families, the prison of Ait Melloul, near Agadir, Inezegane and Tiznit, Morocco..
8. The opening of new law-cases against them while they are in prison in order to frighten them. This is mainly because of their opinions on the Western Sahara issue.
9. The refusal to cater for their demands and to investigate in the complaints of the torture exercised against them by the Moroccan police and the prison employees.
10. Their brutalization inside the police vans and in the courtroom while going to and coming from the court.
11. The general prosecutor and the authorities in charge have not visited the Black Prison as they promised in order to witness the miserable conditions of the prisoners.

07. The human Rights Activists' Situation:

The human rights defenders face a lot of harassment and Moroccan ill-treatment.

A.The exclusion and sacking of work:

1. Exclusion of work:

a. Larbi Massoud, (born in 1966 and graduated from university in 1994) was excluded from getting a job for four times. As he was nominated to get a job, the Moroccan authorities interfere in order to stop the process because of his opinions concerning the Western Sahara issue. He was arrested twice, from December 06, 1999 to November 07, 2001 and from July 20, 2005 to March 25, 2006.

b. Brahim Noumri ( born in 1965, married, got a diploma in Spanish language). He was abducted for five times. The longest of which was his disappearance from 1987 to 1991 in Qalaat Magouna, a Moroccan secret abduction center, in the east of Morocco. He was arrested from July 20, 2005 to March 25, 20o6. He is still not allowed to get a job.
c.Ahmed Elmoutaoikil. He is an engineer diploma holder in 2004. For four times, he was denied different jobs although he succeeded in the exams and interviews to get the post. Now he managed to work in the private sector.

2. Sacking of work and salary deprivation:

a. Aminatou Haidar ( born in 1966, mother of two children, a boy and a girl, an ex-disappeared from 1987 to 1991 and ex-political prisoner from June 17, 2005 to January 17, 2006. She was deprived of her monthly salary since April 2005. Up to now she cannot get her salary back.

c. Hmad Hammad ( born in 1960, married). He is an ex-disappeared in 1997 and ex-political prisoner from August 09, 2005 to March 25, 2006. He was deprived of his salary because of his opinions on the Western Sahara issue. Up to now, he cannot get his salary back.

d. Gaoudi Fdaili, born in 1958, married and father of three children. He was a bank manager in El Aaiun. He was sacked of work because of his political views on the Western Sahara in 2000. Up to now, he cannot get his job back.

e. Ali Salem Tamek: born in 1973. He is an ex-political prisoner. He was arrested five times, and was sacked out of work in 2002. Up to now, he cannot get his job back.

Forced job Transfer:

The following activists were transferred from their native cities to remote places in Morocco, many miles away from their families.
- Mohamed Elmoutaoikil, married, father of three children, ex-political prisoner. He was forcibly transferred from Assa, south of Morocco to Casablanca, Morocco. He is still in Casablanca.
-Elhamed Mahmoud, married, father of three children, an employee at the Office Cherifien de Phosphate. Transferred from El Aaiun, Western Sahara to Casablanca, Morocco. He is still in Casablanca.
-Ejjaaim Mohamed, married, father of three children. Transferred from El Aaiun to Ben Grir, Morocco. He is stil in Ben Grir.
-Mohamed Abdedaim, married, father of four children.Transferred from Assa, south of Morocco to the Ba Mhamed village, near Touanate, Morocco. He is still in the same village.
-Baj Elhoucine, married. He was transferred from Assa, south of Morocco to Tata, Morocco. He is denied to get his salary. He is still in Tata.

The deprivation of getting passports:

The following activists and ex-political prisoners are still denied to get their passports for no legal reasons:
Labrass Brahim, El Aaiun, Western Sahara.
Bouaamoud Mohamed Salem, El Aaiun, Western Sahara
Lakhal Mohamed Salem, El Aaiun, Western Sahara
Cheikhi Nguia, Smara, Western Sahara.

D. Other kinds of harassment against the human rights defenders
The daily surveillance of their houses and their cell phones.
Their harassment in the police check-points while moving from a city to another.
Trying to distort their reputation by the Moroccan authorities.
Putting their names at the borders check-points (=airports) so that they are banned from traveling abroad while they try to do so.



08. The names of the torturers in the Western Sahara:

Through the contact of the CODESA with a lot of the victims of the violations of human rights committed by the Moroccan state in the Western Sahara, and through the complaints presented by these victims to the general prosecutor, these names are at the top of the list:

1. Ichi Aboulhassan: a high police officer in El Aaiun, W.S.
2. Hamid Bahri: The vice-Wali of Security in El Aaiun,WS
3. Mustapha Kammor: A police officer in El Aaiun.W.S.
4. Brahim Ben Sami:The Wali of security in Settat, Morocco. He was the Wali of security in El Aaiun, Western Sahara during the Intifada that started on May 21, 2005.
5. Abdelhaq Rabii: a police inspector in El Aaiun. WS.
6. Omar Qaissi: The ex-president of the judicial police center in El AaiunWS.
7. Annouchi Hassan: A judicial police inspector in El Aaiun, W.S.
8. Eddairaa Mouloud: A judicial police inspector in El Aaiun, W.S.
9. Ben Zouina Abderrahim: A judicial police inspector in El Aaiun, W.S.
10. Elmaati Moudrik: A security inspector in El Aaiun, W.S.
11. Lebhairi Abdellah: The police Quick intervention official in El Aaiun, W.S.
12. Hariz Elarbi: The Wali of Security in Dakhla
13. Elhabib Tayabi: The president of the Judicial Police center in El Aaiun.
14. Abdelqader Elaazzouzi: the president of the general affairs in Smara, Western, Sahara since 1992.
15. Hathat Abdelbasset: The president of the Regional Security in Smara, Western Sahara since 2006.
16. Mustapha Kamal Fakhri: A police officer of the CMI in Smara, WS.
17. Jdiri Abdeljabbar: A "Qaid" in the province of Smara, Western Sahara.
18. Ishaq Mohamed, a police officer in Smara, W.S.
19. Oujja Hassan: a police officer in Smara, W.S.
20. Badran Mustapha: a secret police officer in Smara, WS.
21. Ben Daoued Soulaiman: the president of the judicial police in Smara, WS.
22. Abderrahman Elkaoui: A security police officer in Boujdour, Western Sahara.
23. Fouad: A police officer of the DST in Boujdour, WS.
24. Mohamed Jelitt: A police officer in the judicial police center in Boujdour, WS.
25. Driss Echouadri: the president of the general affairs department in the province of Boujdour, WS.
26. Mustapha Ghanimi: an employee in the general affairs department in the province of Boujdour, WS.




RECOMMENDATIONS:

1. The publication of the UNHCHR report (2006) and the implementation of its recommendations.
2. Lifting the military and media siege imposed on the Western Sahara and letting the foreign delegations in.
3. The expansion of the responsibility of the MINURSO to include the protection of the Sahrawi citizens' rights in the Western Sahara.
4. The Moroccan state has to sign the international charters of human rights (the International Agreement against Torture…).
5. Stopping the excessive exploitation of the Sahrawi natural resources.
6. Looking into the flagrant violations of human rights perpetrated by the Moroccan state against the Sahrawi citizens, and the punishment of the torturers responsible for these violations.
7. Accounting for the fate of the Sahrawi disappeared and the release of all the Sahrawi prisoners.
8. The allowance of the Sahrawi citizens' right to assembly and organization through letting the Sahrawis' human rights associations.
9. The clearing of the Western Sahara from different kinds of landmines, and the acceptance of the international Human Rights and medical NGOs to enter the territory in order to help in curing the landmines' victims.
10. The closing of the Local Prison (= the Black Jail) in El Aaiun, Western Sahara, as it lacks the simplest conditions for the protection of prisoners.

US plans M109A5 self-propelled howitzer sale to Morocco

US plans M109A5 self-propelled howitzer sale to Morocco

(03.08.07 US Defense Security Cooperation Agency [USA])

The Defense Security Cooperation Agency notified Congress of a possible Foreign
Military Sale to Morocco of M109A5 155mm self-propelled howitzers as well as
associated equipment and services. The total value, if all options are
exercised, could be as high as $29 million. The Government of Morocco has
requested a possible sale of 60 M109A5 155mm self-propelled howitzers, 30 High
Mobility Multi-purpose Wheeled Vehicle (HMMWV) engines, 233 wheel assemblies,
spare and repair parts, support and test equipment, publications and technical
documentation, personnel training and training equipment, Quality Assurance
Team support services, US Government logistics personnel services, and other
related elements of logistics support. The estimated cost is $29 million. This
sale will contribute to the foreign policy and national security of the US by
helping to improve the security of a friendly country that continues to be an
important force for political stability and economic progress in North Africa.
Morocco currently operates M109A1B self-propelled howitzers and will use this
new procurement to re-equip existing units, retire older artillery pieces, and
modernize the Army’s fire support capability. Morocco will have no difficulty
absorbing the howitzers into its armed forces. The proposed sale of this
equipment and support will not affect the basic military balance in the region.
No contractor is involved for this purchase of the howitzers. Equipment is
considered long supply and is no longer utilized by the US Government. There
will be a US Government Quality Assurance Team in country for one year to check
out the equipment. A Technical Assistance Field Team also will participate for
two-week intervals twice annually to participate in program management and
technical reviews. There will be no adverse impact on US defense readiness as
a result of this proposed sale. This notice of a potential sale is required by
law; it does not mean that the sale has been concluded.

Ocho policías por saharaui

Ocho policías por saharaui

POR ERENA CALVO. ENVIADA ESPECIAL.
SMARA.
Nos acercamos a Smara, la Ciudad Santa del Sahara Occidental. Levantada piedra a piedra por los saharauis, Ma el Ainin la quiso convertir hace más de dos siglos en el centro cultural, político y económico de Saguia el Hamra. Smara se alza como un espejismo en medio del desierto. Alejada del mar y sin riquezas naturales, las inversiones no llegan a esta ciudad en ruinas devastada primero por los franceses y «profanada» más tarde por los marroquíes.
De sus 45.000 habitantes, una tercera parte -15.000 saharauis- lucha sin tregua por la independencia. Para encontrarnos con ellos hemos tenido que superar cuatro controles. Miles de agentes de los cuerpos de seguridad marroquí cercan la ciudad. Tocan a ocho policías por saharaui.
Ghlana tuvo que lidiar con diez. Tiene 16 años y la noche anterior a nuestra llegada fue detenida y torturada. Con su frágil voz nos cuenta que la llevaron al desierto y que tras despojarle de sus ropas, tocaron su cuerpo. Sólo había escrito en un correo electrónico la palabra Intifada (en árabe, levantamiento). En la Ciudad Santa, testigo de la fundación del Frente Polisario en 1973, la represión es «brutal». De los 550 saharauis desaparecidos desde la ocupación marroquí 220 son de Smara. Nos lo cuenta el activista Otmani El-Lud Emman, con quien hemos podido reunirnos. Su casa, «destrozada hace un año tras una redada», ha podido ser reconstruida gracias a la solidaridad de sus vecinos.
Bastan unas horas para darse cuenta de que estamos en una base muy importante de la oposición a los marroquíes y sus planes anexionistas. Las detenciones son diarias. Durante nuestra visita, en 24 horas, fueron apresados seis saharauis por reclamar la independencia que, dicen, se les negó hace tres décadas.«Las olas negras de represión son constantes». Zahbid Mahkluf, de 21 años, da fe de ello. Es uno de los chicos detenidos y apaleados durante nuestra estancia. Le apresaron mientras paseaba. Poco después, dos niños fueron detenidos, relata su madre. Llevaban ropas del Polisario y entonaban sus cánticos.
En Smara los más pequeños inundan las calles y pasan horas manifestándose. Son las nuevas generaciones, que nunca han conocido la libertad. No tienen miedo. «Sus profesores les piden que dibujen la bandera de Marruecos, pero se niegan y esbozan la de la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática», explica el activista. Todo, incluso las palizas, menos doblegarse ante la «censura marroquí».
Vacunas para el olvido
La represión cultural es total, relatan; los marroquíes quieren borrar las raíces del pueblo saharaui. «No podemos aprender español, ni nuestra historia, nos imponen sus costumbres y no soportan que reaccionemos contra sus imposiciones». Como si quisieran eliminar de un plumazo toda memoria «recurren a sustancias químicas para anular nuestra conciencia». Nos lo cuenta una joven que ha sufrido en sus carnes esta práctica «impropia de un Estado que se autoproclama democrático».
Aquí es raro el que no ha dado con sus huesos en la cárcel, cuenta Feku Selma, presidente del Comité Saharaui de Defensa de los Derechos Humanos en Smara. Es cierto. Nos acabamos de reunir con familiares de los presos que están en la Cárcel Negra de Al Aaiún. Padres, madres, hermanas y esposas se quejan de la situación de los internos. «Muchas veces no les permiten comer si no pagamos» explica una mujer mientras se lamenta de que no tiene dinero ni para alimentar a sus pequeños. Sale a flote gracias a sus vecinos, los mismos que ayudaron a reconstruir la casa de El-Lud. La solidaridad es su garantía de supervivencia. Pero a veces no es suficiente

Western Sahara – How not to Try to Resolve a Conflict

Western Sahara – How not to Try to Resolve a Conflict
August 3rd, 2007

By Anna Theofilopoulou

On June 18 and 19, 2007, direct talks between the two protagonists in the Western Sahara conflict, the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front, were held under United Nations auspices at Greentree Estate in Manhasset, New York. As expected, the negotiations were concluded without any major breakthrough or mishap, and both sides agreed to the UN suggestion that another round take place on August 10 and 11.

This result was predictable, since both sides went to Manhasset determined to stand by their already stated and much advertised positions, which nobody attempted to reconcile at this stage. Morocco is offering limited autonomy that would require Polisario to accept Moroccan sovereignty over the territory a priori, while Polisario remains steadfast in its own proposal to resolve the conflict through a referendum on self-determination, with independence as one of the choices.

The composition of the delegations sent to Greentree gave testament to the firmness with which both sides were holding to their positions. Morocco's delegation was headed by the Minister of the Interior and included the head of the Royal Advisory Council for Saharan Affairs (CORCAS) who, in addition to his CORCAS title, holds also a position in the Ministry of Interior. By contrast, during all rounds of negotiations under the UN Secretary General's Personal Envoy, James Baker, in 1997 and 2000, Morocco's delegation was always headed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation.

Thus Morocco emphasized its point that the issue of Western Sahara is an internal one, and that the matter should really be discussed among Saharans on both sides of the divide – the "separatists," as Morocco often calls Polisario officials, and those loyal to Morocco. Polisario, on the other hand, sent the exact same delegation that it had sent to all direct talks held under Baker's auspices, thus making it clear that as far as Polisario was concerned nothing had changed in its position since that time.

Apparently both sides behaved reasonably well as neither wanted to be seen as the spoiler responsible for precipitating a collapse in the talks. The two sides chose to ignore any small provocations that may have taken place in their determination to be awarded good grades by the United Nations.

The Secretary General's Report

Although it was evident on the basis of statements made by members of the delegations and the Secretary-General's spokesperson at the end of the talks that nothing much had happened – other than that both sides had behaved well and that the atmosphere had been good – the fact that both had agreed to another round aroused considerable speculation as to what might happen next. For this reason the Secretary-General's report to the Security Council on the talks was eagerly awaited.

The report was issued on June 29, 2007 in all six UN official languages. A few hours later, the report was recalled for "technical reasons," only to be reissued later without the observations and recommendations that formed the core of its policy analysis. This was a first at the United Nations as far as anybody familiar with these kinds of proceedings can recall. It was announced that instead of including the observations in the report, the Secretary-General's current Personal Envoy for Western Sahara, Peter van Walsum, would brief the Security Council orally – which he did on July 11.

A reading of the first version of the report, including the observations, makes it easy for anyone familiar with the Western Sahara conflict to understand what had happened. The suggestion that Polisario could be asked to "test Morocco's readiness to take part in serious, constructive negotiations by making concrete proposals to define, clarify or amend provisions in the proposal of Morocco, leaving the final status out of consideration at this stage" inevitably elicited strong protest from Polisario and its ally, Algeria. There was a clear implication in this suggestion, whether it was meant or not, that down the line as the talks went forward, the United Nations planed to use the Moroccan autonomy proposal as basis for the negotiations. It appeared that Polisario would be ultimately asked to accept autonomy in some form. A follow-up sentence evidently intended to balance the suggestion made to Polisario stated that Morocco "could be asked to show a greater awareness of the complexity of the issue by not insisting that its acceptance of autonomy instead of integration is equivalent – in terms of sacrifice, to a possible acceptance by Polisario of autonomy instead of independence." Neither Polisario nor its supporters, however, could regard the two suggestions as in any way equivalent. They deem the difference between autonomy and the possibility of independence as fundamental.

The decision to withdraw the report and then re-issue it minus the observations was damaging to the stature of the United Nations as an independent mediator in the Western Sahara conflict. At the very least, it suggested that the Secretary-General and his advisers were not as familiar as they should have been with the issues at hand, and that they had failed to think through the implications of what they said in the first version of the report. Alternatively, an observer might conclude that the Secretary-General and top aides lack strength of conviction on Sahara issues and would tack with the winds rather than standing by what they said and explaining what they meant. Whether the United Nations can recover from this Western Sahara stumble remains to be seen.

The situation is complicated by the fact the United States, always a close ally of Morocco, but nowadays perhaps motivated even more by a desire to cement its ties with the North African country in waging the Global War on Terror, seems to be coming down openly on Morocco's side on the autonomy question. To the extent that the United Nations appears to be taking the same position, its neutrality will be in question. At the end of van Walsum's closed-door briefing to the Security Council – but before either the Personal Envoy himself or the Council President came out to face the press stake-out of the meeting – the Deputy Permanent Representative of the United States, Jackie Wolcott Sanders, appeared and took note of the April 11, 2007 Moroccan proposal to the Secretary-General that unveiled its autonomy plan. The American representative welcomed what she said were Morocco's serious and credible efforts to move the process forward toward resolution. She added that as far as the United States was concerned, Morocco's initiative was a flexible and realistic framework for beginning negotiations on a plan that would provide for genuine autonomy contingent on the approval of the local populations in a referendum that would be in keeping with the principle of self-determination.

The statement made by the President of the Council, Ambassador Wang Guangya of China, was more sober, expressing the Council's support for the agreement by the parties on negotiations that would continue in the second week of August under UN sponsorship. The statement expressed hope that the parties would use the next round of negotiations to engage in good faith in substantial negotiations on the way forward.

The Next Round of Negotiations

The big question now is whether in the August session the two parties will move past their positions and engage in a real conversation, which ought to start by trying to find common elements in their respective proposals, if any. If this is to happen, those who support a just solution for Western Sahara will have to accept that as in the past, there will be interruptions in the talks and other delays as each side consults with its principals in a genuine effort to move past the rhetoric. On the other hand, if the session appears to go smoothly and both sides emerge promising to meet for yet another round at some point in the future, one could easily guess that no substance was touched, or that no true effort was made to get to the tough issues. And there is always the possibility that the whole negotiations process could collapse if either side thoughtlessly or intentionally provokes the other.
Lessons Learned

The Western Sahara conflict has been one of the toughest that the United Nations has had to struggle with. Fortunately, there has been no blood shed by either side since the UN cease fire went into effect in September 1991, but the fact remains that the conflict is no closer to a solution 16 years after the Security Council first got involved, despite the millions of dollars poured into Western Sahara for the maintenance of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). In addition, the Western Sahara refugees continue living in the Tindouf camps in Algeria 30 years after they fled there. Frustration is growing palpably on both sides of the Morocco-Polisario divide.

The closest the United Nations came to resolving the conflict was with the Peace Plan for Self-determination of the People of Western Sahara, which was unanimously supported by the Security Council in July 2003. It offered a period of autonomy for the territory to be followed by a referendum on self-determination which, in addition to the options of integration with Morocco or independence, also included the possibility of continuing autonomy. The Peace Plan was accepted by the Polisario Front and supported by Algeria, but finally rejected by Morocco in April 2004. Morocco maintained that the autonomy period could only be final and not transitional as proposed by the Peace Plan, and that the independence option had to be ruled out since it would be out of the question for Morocco to engage in negotiations over its sovereignty and territorial integrity. This resulted in key members of the Security Council, the United States foremost among them, back-tracking and pulling their support from the Peace Plan. While still talking about the principle of self-determination, they encouraged a mutually acceptable political solution not necessarily including a referendum with independence as an option, They had already been told by Secretary-General Kofi Annan in February 2002, that this would not be possible given the parties' entrenched and opposite positions regarding a solution.

Taking his cue from the Security Council, however, Secretary-General Annan put aside the Peace Plan. Instead, he and his representatives tried to find a solution by consulting with key members of the Security Council, who naturally put their bilateral interests ahead of trying to find a genuine, long term solution to the conflict. Annan proposed negotiations without preconditions as a possible way out of the impasse. However, the recent suggestion by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in the rescinded report that Polisario could be asked to make concrete proposals related to the Moroccan autonomy initiative alerted everybody that the current UN game plan might be to use the Moroccan proposal as a basis for negotiations. The Secretary General's report should not have gotten into detailed suggestions on a solution at this stage of the process, especially when the two parties stand so far apart in their positions. Experience in past negotiations on Western Sahara has shown that they can be more productive if fewer details are disclosed publicly, at least until both sides have had an opportunity to digest changes in the evolving diplomatic situation.

The quick back-tracking to eliminate the controversial paragraph, along with the remainder of the policy part in the report, showed that the Secretariat lacked resolve and would react hastily to whoever was putting more pressure. This was a good example of what not to do in trying to resolve the Western Sahara conflict, or any other conflict for that matter. In the past, whenever the Security Council and the Secretary-General changed positions because one or the other party complained about some development in the peace process, a new stalemate resulted. Flexibility on the part of the Secretary-General can be a virtue, but weakness – which seemed to be apparent in the withdrawal of the initial version of the report – will only complicate future negotiations.

As for the role of the United States, its recent moves have been anything but helpful in terms of bringing about an early, long-term resolution of the conflict. The controversy about the implication in the Secretary-General's report that the United Nations was favoring the Moroccan autonomy proposal was damaging enough. The rush on the part of Deputy U.S. Ambassador to laud the Moroccan proposal will only make it more difficult to persuade Polisario and Algeria to go to the next round of negotiations in an open and cooperative frame of mind. Whether the United States was in a hurry to express publicly views that it was not able to have inserted in the formal Security Council statement, as the Deputy Ambassador was asked by a journalist, remains an open question. What is clear is that in the past, the United States has been more effective and far more helpful in promoting progress toward resolving the Western Sahara conflict when it acted as an honest broker, rather than as an impulsive supporter of Morocco. In fact, unqualified support by outsiders for either side in the Western Sahara conflict has never promoted progress, but only helped solidify the parties' positions.

It is to be hoped that if no meaningful progress is made in the next round of negotiations, the United Nations and Morocco's key supporters, especially France and the United States, will reappraise their strategies on resolving the Western Sahara conflict. They might realize that their support of Morocco's autonomy proposal is not contributing to a resolution. Lauding a proposal that they are not in a position to impose, unless they are ready to flaunt international law and the international community as a whole, is not helping anybody, least of all Morocco, which wishes and needs to resolve the conflict. Morocco could be helped if showed by its friends that 'something cannot be had for nothing,' and that some real sacrifices might be necessary to get out of its current predicament.

At the same time, Polisario needs to be told by its supporters that it should take a realistic look at the world as it is today, which is certainly very different from the world of the 1970s and 1980s, when decolonization still loomed large in the UN agenda, and when liberation movements could still count on support by the super-powers and their proxies based on the cold-war divide. Polisario and its supporters should ask whether continuing to cite past promises by the United Nations and others, or touting principles of international law that seem to be on their side, will help them move toward a sustainable solution any time soon. The solace to be found in continuing demonstrations and calls of support by young Saharans in Western Sahara might not be itself enough reason for Polisario to perpetuate its pursuit of what may be an unattainable situation.

In short, the Security Council, the parties themselves, and their outside supporters should do a reality check on whether their current policies and rhetoric are likely to be helpful in finding an early and long-term solution to conflict. If they do this, they could find that with discretion, persistence, and good will they might succeed in negotiating a way out of the current impasse.

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Anna Theofilopoulou covered Western Sahara and North Africa in the Department of Political Affairs of the United Nations from 1994 to 2006. She worked closely with former U.S. Secretary of State, James A. Baker, III throughout his appointment as Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General on Western Sahara – from March 1997 until his resignation in June 2004.