Landmines in Western Sahara: A summary of 10 years

Western Sahara

Ten-Year Summary
Both the Polisario Front and Moroccan forces used antipersonnel mines until the 1991 UN-monitored cease-fire. In 1999, a Polisario representative stated that it would join the Mine Ban Treaty if eligible to do so. In November 2005, Polisario proclaimed a ban on antipersonnel mines by signing the Geneva Call Deed of Commitment. Polisario has been destroying its stockpile of antipersonnel mines since 2006.

Western Sahara is contaminated with mines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). A 2008 survey by Landmine Action identified considerable contamination, particularly from unexploded submunitions and mines. Landmine Action initiated battle area clearance operations in 2008.

Between 1999 and 2008, Landmine Monitor identified 151 mine/ERW casualties in Western Sahara (44 people killed, 102 injured, and five unknown) with most casualties reported in 2006–2008. Casualty data collection improved over the past decade, but was incomplete and the number of casualties was probably under-reported. Intensive risk education was carried out from 1998–2000. After this, efforts were limited and mostly carried out by volunteers in programs that lacked the funding necessary for adequate dissemination of risk messages.

Victim assistance efforts have been limited throughout the past decade. Emergency transport remained inadequate and many mine/ERW survivors died before reaching assistance. Medical facilities in refugee camps lacked adequately trained staff and resources. Rehabilitation and prosthetics improved in 2008, with the start of an ICRC-supported program. Despite some assistance, there was an acute lack of economic opportunities for survivors and psychological support in refugee camps.

Mine Ban Policy
The sovereignty of Western Sahara remains the subject of a dispute between the government of Morocco and the Polisario Front (the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguía el Hamra and Río de Oro). Polisario’s Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) is a member of the African Union, but is not universally recognized. It has no official representation in the UN, which prevents formal accession to the Mine Ban Treaty. Polisario officials have, since 1999, stated that they would adhere to the Mine Ban Treaty if permitted to do so.

On 3 November 2005, Polisario Minister of Defense, Mohamed Lamine Buhali, committed Polisario unilaterally to a ban on antipersonnel mines through the Deed of Commitment administered by the NGO Geneva Call. The Deed pledges Polisario to a ban on use, production, transfer and stockpiling of antipersonnel mines, and to cooperation in mine action.

Use, production, transfer, and stockpiling
Both Polisario and the Royal Moroccan Armed Forces used mines extensively until the 1991 UN-monitored cease-fire. In the past decade, Morocco and Polisario have periodically traded accusations of new mine use, but both have denied it.[1] In October 2008, Moroccan officials told a visiting ICBL delegation that Polisaro rebels are still laying mines, but no concrete evidence has been presented.[2] In May 2009, however, Morocco told Landmine Monitor that it did not have any information about Polisario mine use in 2007 or 2008.[3]

Polisario is not known to have produced or exported antipersonnel mines. Polisario officials claim they acquired antipersonnel mines in the past by lifting them from Moroccan minefields, especially those around the berms (defensive earthen walls about three meters high).[4] Based on mines destroyed in 2006, 2007, and 2008, Polisario stocks have included antipersonnel mines of Belgian, Chinese, German, Israeli, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, Soviet, United Kingdom, and Yugoslav manufacture.[5]

Polisario has not revealed the total number of antipersonnel mines it possesses. In 2002, Polisario told Landmine Monitor that it no longer had a stockpile of antipersonnel mines, except for 1,606 disarmed mines on display in a military museum.[6] In January 2006, however, Polisario’s Chief Engineer told Landmine Monitor that its stockpile consisted of more than 10,000 antipersonnel and antivehicle mines.[7]

Polisario has undertaken three public destructions of stockpiled antipersonnel mines, pursuant to the Deed of Commitment. It destroyed a combined total of 8,637 antipersonnel mines in February 2006 (3,316 mines), February 2007 (3,321 mines), and May 2008 (2,000 mines).[8] Landmine Monitor had previously reported that the 2006 and 2007 destruction events included 284 antivehicle mines. Geneva Call, which requested clarification from Polisario, was told that the destroyed mines were MK1 antipersonnel mines, not K1 antivehicle mines. Polisario also said that mines recorded as FMP1 were actually Portuguese-made M969 mines.[9]

Scope of the Problem
Contamination
Western Sahara is contaminated with mines and ERW, especially cluster munition remnants and other UXO, although the precise extent of contamination is not known. More than 2,000km of berms were built during conflict in the 1980s, and remained after the 1991 cease-fire between Morocco and Polisario. Moroccan troops emplaced antipersonnel and antivehicle mines in and around the berms. Landmine Action has claimed that Western Sahara is “one of the most heavily mined territories in the world.”[10]

Landmine Action deployed to Western Sahara in 2006 and trained local operators to conduct a survey of dangerous areas and items. The survey, which concluded at the end of 2008, identified 154 cluster munition strike sites, 40 mined areas, one ammunition storage area, and 486 individual items requiring spot clearance.[11] It found that contamination is concentrated around water holes, traditional settlement sites, and transport routes and determined that unexploded submunitions pose the greatest threat to people and animals.[12] Landmine Action believes that further survey is required in the 5km buffer zone leading to the berms.[13]

Casualties
Casualty data is hard to obtain. From reports received, Landmine Monitor identified 26 casualties (nine killed, 16 injured, and one unknown) in Western Sahara in 2008, resulting from 16 mine/ERW/cluster munition incidents. Casualties included 12 adults (11 men, one of unknown gender), four children (three boys and one girl) and 10 casualties of unknown age (at least three of whom were male, the gender of the rest was unknown). Antivehicle mines caused 10 casualties, antipersonnel mines four, submunitions four, and unknown devices eight. Seven casualties occurred in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara (one killed and six injured) and 19 casualties occurred in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara (eight killed, 10 injured, and one unknown). The most common activities at the time of the incident were travel (seven), herding/tending livestock (six), and playing (three). The activities of the other casualties at the time of the incident were not known [14]

Morocco reported 11 mine/ERW casualties (three killed and eight injured) in an annex to its voluntary Article 7 report for calendar year 2008, in mine-affected provinces of Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara.[15] Mauritania’s National Humanitarian Demining Program for Development (Programme National de Déminage Humanitaire pour le Développement, PNDHD) reported that two men from Mauritania, both nomadic herders, became casualties in a mine incident in Western Sahara in 2008. It was not noted if they were killed or injured. [16] It is not clear if these casualties overlap with those identified by Landmine Monitor in 2008.

The 26 casualties identified in 2008 represent a decrease from the 36 mine/ERW casualties in 18 incidents identified in Western Sahara in 2007 (12 killed and 24 injured). However, reporting for 2008 is not thought to be comprehensive. In 2007, seven casualties also occurred in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara (three killed and four injured) and 29 in were reported in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara (nine killed and 20 injured).

Casualties continued to occur in 2009, with 22 reported as of 10 August. One person was killed and 21 injured in nine mine/ERW incidents, include one citizen of Mauritania. Eight casualties occurred in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara (all were injured) and 14 were reported in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara (one killed and 13 injured). Six casualties were caused by antipersonnel mines, 11 by antivehicle mines, four by unknown mine types, and one by ERW.[17] This number includes five people injured while crossing a mined area of the berm during a protest, some 70km from the Saharawi refugee camps.[18]

In 2009, PNDHD reported two Mauritanian casualties, both nomadic men in two separate incidents in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara. One incident was caused by an antipersonnel mine and the other by an antivehicle mine. Both casualties died while being transported to Mauritania for emergency medical assistance.[19] There was insufficient detail to ascertain if these casualties were included in other reporting for Western Sahara.

Between 1999 and 2008, Landmine Monitor identified 151 mine/ERW casualties in Western Sahara (44 people killed, 102 injured, and five unknown). The majority, 86 casualties, were reported in the period from 2006–2008. This was most likely due to improved casualty data collection in recent years. The total probably under-represents the actual number of casualties during the period.[20]The total number of mine/ERW casualties in Western Sahara is not known and many incidents may not be recorded; estimates of the number of casualties since 1975 range up to some 2,500 people.[21] According to official Polisario estimates found in the ICRC annual report there were some 450 mine/ERW survivors from Western Sahara among the refugee population living in camps in Algeria.[22] A Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) assessment in the Tindouf refugee camps in 2000 identified 320 landmine survivor amputees. The Saharawi Campaign to Ban Landmines (SCBL) registered 345 mine/ERW survivors from the refugee camps. The Moroccan Association of Mine Victims in Smara reported that in 2007 at least 100 mine survivors were living in Smara, in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara.

Risk profile
Based on casualty and survey data the people most at risk of mine/ERW incidents are nomads with their herds, children playing, and people driving cars or riding camels. Mine/ERW contamination is concentrated around water holes, traditional settlement sites, and transport routes.[23]

Program Management and Coordination
The UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) has established a mine action coordination center (MACC), which was upgraded from a mine action “cell” in February 2008. Western Sahara does not have official victim assistance or risk education coordination.

Data collection and management
The MACC began to collect mine/ERW casualty data in 2008, and data collection continued to improve in 2008–2009, though under-reporting likely continued.[24] Due to the lack of facilities—including hospitals—in Western Sahara, incidents in remote areas often go unreported. In addition, people who are injured by mines/ERW close to the vicinity of the buffer zone often do not seek medical assistance, due to the political situation.[25] As a result many of them unnecessarily die from their injuries.

As of June 2009, the MACC was not yet entering casualty data into the Information Management System for Mine Action (IMSMA). IMSMA was being adjusted to accept casualty data for 2009.[26] In October 2008, the MACC installed IMSMA at the Landmine Action office in Tifariti and provided training to both local and UK-based staff. The format of casualty data collection forms was finalized and they were being used by Landmine Action for entry of current incidents into IMSMA. No retrospective entry of casualty data had taken place as of August 2009. Landmine Action planned to work with the Chehid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre in Rabouni to verify casualty data at the center and enter it into IMSMA. [27]

The Collective of Saharawi Human Rights Defenders El-Aaiun Western Sahara (Collectif des défenseurs saharaouis des droits de l’homme El-Aaiun Sahara Occidental, CODESA) occasionally identified casualties reported in the media, but did not systematically report on casualties in 2008. In 2008, CODESA continued to operate informally, but a lack of legal status hindered its activities.[28] The SCBL did not provide casualty data to Landmine Monitor for 2008–2009.

Mine action program operators

National operators and activities
Demining
Risk education
Casualty data collection
Victim assistance

MINURSO/MACC
x

Chedid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre
x
x

Moroccan Red Crescent Society
x

International operators and activities
Demining
Risk education
Casualty data collection
Victim assistance

Landmine Action
x
x



ICRC
x


Plans
Strategic mine action plans
A strategic mine action plan is in place, and as of June 2009, an operational plan for MACC had been completed as well.[29]

Integration of mine action with reconstruction and development
From 2008–2009, Landmine Action conducted an assessment of how development could be supported in areas cleared of contamination by its clearance teams. The assessment identified the need to increase food security for semi-nomadic populations in the northern sector where water supplies are intermittent. Goat herders are said to be most affected by lack of water and take risks by entering known contaminated areas to reach water. Some have initiated their own agricultural schemes which face suspension in the dry season when water is insufficient and herders are forced to return to the refugee camps. A proposed project would build on current entrepreneurial efforts to facilitate access to water for herders, to be launched in areas where Landmine Action has cleared farmland.[30]

Local ownership
Commitment to mine action and victim assistance
In early 1999, Morocco and Polisario signed bilateral military agreements in which both parties agreed to cooperate with MINURSO in the exchange of mine-related information, marking of mined areas, and the clearance and destruction of mines and UXO in the presence of MINURSO observers. These agreements do not cover minefields along the berm and minefields that Morocco regards as an integral part of its defenses.[31]

Mine action standards/Standing operating procedures
Landmine Action uses its own standing operating procedures and works in accordance with Memorandum of Understandings it signed with MINURSO and Polisario.[32]

Demining and Battle Area Clearance
Landmine Action was the only international demining operator in Western Sahara in 2008. It conducted only battle area clearance (BAC) and explosive ordnance disposal in 2008, but was seeking funding in 2009 to equip and train teams to conduct mine clearance.[33]

Battle area clearance in 2008
In January 2008, while its survey was ongoing, Landmine Action began clearance operations. In June 2008, it completed clearance of the village of Budib and conducted its first community handover to the local population.[34] Results of Landmine Action BAC in 2008 are summarized below.

BAC in 2008[35]

Surface BAC* (m2)
Sub-surface BAC (m2)
Unexploded submunitions destroyed
Other UXO destroyed
Antipersonnel mines destroyed
Antivehicle mines destroyed

2,911,138
32,201
548
439
8
7


* Visual inspection

Risk Education
Moroccan authorities continued to report mine/ERW risk education (RE) in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara in 2008—to 12,600 herders and nomads in 12 provinces[36] MINURSO provided improved safety training for UN staff.[37] No activities were identified in the Polisario-controlled part of Western Sahara.[38]

RE was provided by the Moroccan Army, local authorities and representatives from rural communes, provincial health authorities, the provincial offices of the Moroccan Red Crescent Society, the Disabled Persons Support Association (Association d’Appui aux Personnes Handicapées), and the Moroccan Association of Mine Victims in 2008.[39]

The Moroccan Army and its Royal Moroccan Gendarmerie (state police under the military) conducted an RE campaign which included marking with warning signs, providing information to locals regarding forthcoming large-scale demining operations, and informing local people when the land had been cleared. An annual RE campaign is conducted through public outreach including conferences, media, pamphlets, and school visits to reach people likely to enter mine-affected areas.[40] Local volunteers were trained to disseminate RE. There was no permanent capacity to implement RE and authorities had to continuously retrain RE volunteers.[41]

A number of organizations have reported providing RE in past years, including, the Moroccan Association of Mine Victims (based in Smara) in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara in 2007, Landmine Action from 2006–2007, and the Saharawi Campaign to Ban Landmines from 2005–2007. From April 1998 to May 2000, NPA implemented a large-scale RE program for approximately 100,000 refugees in Western Sahara.

Victim Assistance
The total number of survivors is unknown; reporting has indicated that there are 450 survivors in the Rabouni refugee camps near Tindouf in southwestern Algeria and at least another 100 in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara. Due to a lack of comprehensive data, these are likely significant underestimates.[42]

People involved in mine/ERW incidents in remote areas continued to die from their wounds in the long periods before receiving medical attention.[43] There are no ambulances and survivors have to wait for a passing vehicle to take them to the nearest health facility, which may be hours away. MINURSO increased its emergency response capacity for UN personnel working in contaminated areas in Polisario-controlled areas.[44] On the Moroccan side of the berm, there are medical facilities in the towns of Dakhla, La’Youn, Ousserd, and Smara. Some survivors were also treated in nearby towns in Morocco.[45]

Persons with disabilities are among the most vulnerable in the Saharawi refugee camps in Algeria. A continuing lack of adequate medical care and the absence of understanding about disability issues increased the vulnerability and distress of disabled refugees in the camps.[46]

The Polisario authorities offer basic free healthcare for all Saharawis in each of the four refugee camps near Tindouf.[47] The refugee camps’ health system consists of “regional hospitals” in camps and a referral hospital in Rabouni as well as a psychiatric hospital. Medical issues that cannot be treated in the camps are referred to nearby Tindouf, or more distant facilities if necessary. Medical facilities in the camps lacked resources, and services were dependent on international aid for medicines and materials. There was a lack of continuity of medical staff because qualified doctors and nurses work on a volunteer basis. Inadequate coordination between donors and humanitarian agencies contributing to the health system in the camps was reported in 2009.[48]

The Chedid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre in the Rabouni refugee camp continued to provide rehabilitation and socio-economic assistance to mine/ERW survivors, but faced challenges in providing services due to a lack of resources.[49]

In May 2008, the ICRC officially started producing and fitting prosthetic and orthotic appliances at the physical rehabilitation center established in the Chedid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre in 2007. ICRC services were directed to persons with disabilities, including mine/ERW survivors and other persons with disabilities.[50] The new center can produce 80–100 prostheses annually, as well as producing other mobility devices and providing physiotherapy. The ICRC began training nine locally-hired staff, five prosthetic-orthotic technicians, and four physiotherapists to build the capacity and sustainability of the center, and provided management support. [51] In 2008, 50 people benefited from services at the center, 18 receiving prostheses (94% of them for mine survivors). Other mobility devices were also produced and most beneficiaries received physiotherapy.[52] An improvement in the manufacture of prostheses was noted following the increased ICRC support.[53]

There is pervasive unemployment in the refugee camps. Mine/ERW survivors and other persons with disabilities are among the worst affected. There was no suitable work and most remained permanently unemployed.[54] Polisario authorities and partner organizations in the camps have reportedly made significant efforts to assist persons with disabilities in economic reintegration, through income-generating schemes including small shops and a bakery.[55] In 2008, the NGO Triangle Génération Humanitaire (TGH) continued to provide economic reintegration assistance to the elderly and to persons with disabilities through centers in the four refugee camps. For 2008, TGH project staff were not aware of any direct program beneficiaries who were mine/ERW survivors.[56] Schools for children with disabilities, including physical disabilities, are run by Polisario in all of the Saharawi refugee camps.[57] Psychological support for those in the refugee camps is inadequate and the mental health needs of refugees are not systematically addressed.[58]

Morocco has reported that that the military makes land and air facilities available to transfer mine/ERW survivors to the nearest hospital, where they can receive medical care free of charge. Hospitals near mine-affected areas had their capacity increased in 2008.[59] Other accounts from mine survivors’ organizations have reported that mine/ERW survivors injured in areas of Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara need to pay for their own emergency transportation and medical costs at hospitals in both Western Sahara and Morocco.[60] An orthopedic center, including a prosthetics workshop and services for mine/ERW survivors, is connected to the in El Hassan hospital, La’Youn, in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara.[61] The ICRC Special Fund for the Disabled (SFD) had planned to provide assistance to the orthopedic center in La’Youn in 2008, but the plan was delayed due to “procedural obstacles.”[62]

Support for Mine Action
In 2008, Spain reported contributing US$294,520 (€200,000) to mine action in Western Sahara, for unspecified mine action via the UN Voluntary Trust Fund for Assistance in Mine Clearance.[63] Reported mine action funding in 2008 was 67% less than reported in 2007. No international funding reported to Landmine Monitor since 2000 has specifically addressed VA needs in Western Sahara.

Landmine Action reported overall support for its programming in Western Sahara from Germany and Norway, as well as from UNMAS and the Diana, Princess of Wales Memorial Fund.[64]


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] See, for example, Landmine Monitor Report 2003, p. 651; Landmine Monitor Report 2002, p. 717; and Landmine Monitor Report 2001, pp. 1,059–1,060.

[2] ICBL, “Mission Report: Morocco, 26–29 October 2008.”

[3] Permanent Mission of Morocco to the UN in Geneva, “Response to Questions from the Canadian NGO Mines Action Canada,” 18 May 2009.

[4] They may have acquired mines from other sources as well. Some of the stockpiled mines Polisario has destroyed are not known to have been in Morocco’s arsenal, such as those of Belgian, Portuguese and Yugoslav origin.

[5] “Observations made during field mission by Landmine Action UK,” provided by email from Landmine Action, 3 May 2006. See also, Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,095; and Landmine Monitor Report 2006, p. 1,196.

[6] Response to Landmine Monitor questionnaire by Polisario, 27 June 2002.

[7] Interview with Mohammed Fadel Sidna, Chief Engineer, Second Military Regiment, Tifariti, 15 January 2006.

[8] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,118; Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,095; and Landmine Monitor Report 2006, p. 1,196. The mines included: 96 M-35 (Belgium); six Type 58 (China); 5,480 VS-50 (Italy); 146 SB-33 (Italy); 76 M966 (Portugal); 20 M969 (Portugal); nine MAI75 (Romania); 303 MK1 [or Number 7] (UK); 109 PMD-6 (USSR); 1,490 PMD-6M (USSR); 12 PMN (USSR); 60 POMZ-2M (USSR); 535 PROM-1 (Yugoslavia); 267 VS-33 (unknown type, presumably Italian); 22 “NEGRO” (unknown type, attributed to Israeli origin); and six E-58 (unknown type, attributed to German origin).

[9] Geneva Call, “Information for Landmine Monitor 2009,” June 2009, received by email from Anne-Kathrin Glatz, Program Officer, Geneva Call, 5 June 2009.

[10] Landmine Action, “Western Sahara 2007 Activities,” London, April 2008, p. 2; and email from Melissa Fuerth, Operations Officer, Landmine Action, 19 June 2008.

[11] Melissa Fuerth, “Remnants of War: the legacy of armed conflict in Western Sahara,” Landmine Action campaign article provided by email from Melissa Fuerth, 20 February 2009.

[12] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Email from Tammy Hall, Senior Technical Advisor for Mine Action, MINURSO/MACC 29 June 2009; email from James Mbogo, IMSMA Officer, MINURSO/MACC, 19 August 2009; and email from Penelope Caswell, GIS Officer, Landmine Action, 16 July 2009.

[15] Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, “Annex,” April 2009.

[16]Telephone interview with Lt.-Col. Alioune O. Mohamed El Hacen, Coordinator, PNDHD, 24 June 2009.

[17] Email from James Mbogo, MINURSO/MACC, 19 August 2009; and email from Penelope Caswell, Landmine Action, 16 July 2009.

[18] Saharawi Journalists and Writers Union (Unión de Periodistas y Escritores Saharauis, UPES), “Five Saharawis injured by landmine blast during peaceful protest against Moroccan wall in Western Sahara,” 10 April 2009, www.upes.org.

[19] Interview with Lt.-Col. Alioune O. Mohamed El Hacen, PNDHD, in Geneva, 27 May 2009.

[20] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,122 (36 casualties in 2007); Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,099 (24 casualties in 2006); Landmine Monitor Report 2006, p. 1,199 (two casualties in 2005 and no confirmed casualties in 2004); Landmine Monitor Report 2004, pp. 1,221–1,222 (one casualty in 2003; four casualties in 2002; three casualties in 2001; four casualties in 2000 in one incident); and Landmine Monitor Report 2001, p. 1,037 (51 military casualties in 2000–2001).

[21] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,124; and Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,100.

[22] ICRC, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, 27 May 2009, p. 375.

[23] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009; and see Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,123.

[24] Telephone interview with Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009.

[25] Email from Penelope Caswell, Landmine Action, 16 July 2009.

[26] Telephone interview with Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009.

[27] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009; and telephone interview with Penelope Caswell, Landmine Action, 19 August 2009.

[28] US Department of State, “2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Western Sahara,” Washington, DC, 25 February 2009; and Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,123.

[29] Email from Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 9 September 2009.

[30] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009.

[31] See Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,097.

[32] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 19 June 2008.

[33] Ibid, 20 February 2009.

[34] Melissa Fuerth, “Remnants of War: the legacy of armed conflict in Western Sahara,” Landmine Action campaign article provided by email, 20 February 2009.

[35] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009.

[36] Moroccan Voluntary Article 7 Report, ‘Annex,’ April 2009.

[37] “Report of the Secretary-General on the situation concerning Western Sahara,” (New York: UN Security Council, 13 April 2009), S/2009/200, para. 28, p. 7.

[38] Telephone interview with Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009; email from Gaici Nah Bachir, Association of Saharawi Victims of Mines (ASAVIM), 24 March 2009.

[39] Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, ‘Annex,’ April 2009; and see Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 940.

[40] Interview with El Arbi Mrabet, Governor, and Hamid Barez, Adjoint Coordinator, Office of the Coordination with MINURSO, Ministry of Interior, Rabat, 29 October 2008; statement of Morocco, Standing Committee on the General Status and Operation of the Convention, Geneva, 25 May 2009; and Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, Form I, April 2009.

[41] Interview with El Arbi Mrabet and Hamid Barez, Ministry of Interior, Rabat, 29 October 2008.

[42] Estimate based on official Polisario estimate of 450 mine/ERW survivors from Western Sahara amongst the refugee population living in camps in Algeria. ICRC, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, 27 May 2009, p. 375; and Moroccan Association of Mine Victims reporting at least 100 mine survivors in Smara. See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,124.

[43] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009; and Landmine Monitor analysis of casualty data provided by email from Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009.

[44] “Report of the Secretary-General on the situation concerning Western Sahara,” (New York: UN Security Council, 13 April 2009), S/2009/200, paras. 27 and 28, p. 6.

[45] Landmine Monitor analysis of casualty data provided by email from Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009; Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, “Annex,” April 2009; Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,125; and see the report on Morocco in this edition of Landmine Monitor.

[46] TGH, “Improve the Living Conditions and Restore Basic Livelihoods of Disabled People in Saharawi Refugee Camps,” undated, www.trianglegh.org.

[47] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,125. The Sarahwi refugee camps in Algeria have identical names to these towns in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara, which may sometimes cause confusion as to the location of medical facilities.

[48] European Commission (EC), “Supporting document to the Commission Decision on the approval and financing of a 2009 GLOBAL PLAN For humanitarian actions from the budget of the European Communities in Algeria, ECHO/DZA/BUD/2009/01000,”, April 2009, p. 4, ec.europa.eu.

[49] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009.

[50] ICRC, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, 27 May 2009, p. 329.

[51] Ibid, p. 375; and ICRC, “Physical Rehabilitation Programme: Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, May 2009, p. 59.

[52] ICRC, “Physical Rehabilitation Programme: Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, May 2009, pp. 58–59.

[53] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009.

[54] Ibid.

[55] TGH, “Improve the Living Conditions and Restore Basic Livelihoods of Disabled People in Saharawi Refugee Camps,” undated, www.trianglegh.org.

[56] Email from Anne Trehondart, Project Manager, TGH, 7 April 2009.

[57] Timothy Kustusch, “Saharawi school sets standard in education for disabled,” UPES, 31 March 2009, www.upes.org.

[58] EC, “Supporting document to the Commission Decision on the approval and financing of a 2009 Global Plan for humanitarian actions from the budget of the European Communities in Algeria, ECHO/DZA/BUD/2009/01000,” April 2009, p. 4, ec.europa.eu.

[59] Statement of Morocco, Ninth Meeting of State Parties, Geneva, 26 November 2008; and interview with the Director of the Gelmim Military Hospital, Gelmim, 27 October 2008 in ICBL, “Mission Report: Morocco, 26–29 October 2008.”

[60] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009; and Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,125.

[61] Interview with El Arbi Mrabet and Hamid Barez, Ministry of Interior, Rabat, 29 October 2008.

[62] ICRC SFD, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, April 2009, p. 23.

[63] Spain Article 7 Report, Form J, 30 April 2009.

[64] Landmine Action, “Survey and clearance - Western Sahara”, www.landmineaction.org.

Noam Chomsky : Les dix stratégies de manipulation de masses

Noam Chomsky : Les dix stratégies de manipulation de masses
Le gouvernement marocain suit minutieusement les dix stratégies de Chomsky pour maintenir le peuple marocain muselé.

Au Maroc, cette stratégie a créé une climat de délire dans lequel le misérable qui n'a pas mangé depuis des jours se sente dans "le plus beau pays du monde".

Parmi les stratégies qui ont eu le plus de succès, le climat de faux nationalisme pour camoufler les véritables raisons qui ont conduit le Maroc à envahir le Sahara Occidental et maintenir le pays dans un état de guerre depuis plus de 36 ans. L'intégrité territoriale a été bien vendue pour cacher les directives des maîtres occidentaux de Rabat.


Voici les dix stratégies de Chomsky resumées par le journal Jijel-Info.


Le linguiste nord-américain Noam Chomsky a élaboré une liste des « Dix Stratégies de Manipulation » à travers les média. Nous la reproduisons ici. Elle détaille l'éventail, depuis la stratégie de la distraction, en passant par la stratégie de la dégradation jusqu'à maintenir le public dans l'ignorance et la médiocrité.

1/ La stratégie de la distraction

Élément primordial du contrôle social, la stratégie de la diversion consiste à détourner l’attention du public des problèmes importants et des mutations décidées par les élites politiques et économiques, grâce à un déluge continuel de distractions et d’informations insignifiantes.

Noam Chomsky

La stratégie de la diversion est également indispensable pour empêcher le public de s’intéresser aux connaissances essentielles, dans les domaines de la science, de l’économie, de la psychologie, de la neurobiologie, et de la cybernétique.

« Garder l’attention du public distraite, loin des véritables problèmes sociaux, captivée par des sujets sans importance réelle. Garder le public occupé, occupé, occupé, sans aucun temps pour penser; de retour à la ferme avec les autres animaux. » Extrait de « Armes silencieuses pour guerres tranquilles »

2/ Créer des problèmes, puis offrir des solutions

Cette méthode est aussi appelée « problème-réaction-solution ». On crée d’abord un problème, une « situation » prévue pour susciter une certaine réaction du public, afin que celui-ci soit lui-même demandeur des mesures qu’on souhaite lui faire accepter. Par exemple: laisser se développer la violence urbaine, ou organiser des attentats sanglants, afin que le public soit demandeur de lois sécuritaires au détriment de la liberté. Ou encore : créer une crise économique pour faire accepter comme un mal nécessaire le recul des droits sociaux et le démantèlement des services publics.

3/ La stratégie de la dégradation

Pour faire accepter une mesure inacceptable, il suffit de l’appliquer progressivement, en « dégradé », sur une durée de 10 ans. C’est de cette façon que des conditions socio-économiques radicalement nouvelles (néolibéralisme) ont été imposées durant les années 1980 à 1990. Chômage massif, précarité, flexibilité, délocalisations, salaires n’assurant plus un revenu décent, autant de changements qui auraient provoqué une révolution s’ils avaient été appliqués brutalement.

4/ La stratégie du différé

Une autre façon de faire accepter une décision impopulaire est de la présenter comme « douloureuse mais nécessaire », en obtenant l’accord du public dans le présent pour une application dans le futur. Il est toujours plus facile d’accepter un sacrifice futur qu’un sacrifice immédiat. D’abord parce que l’effort n’est pas à fournir tout de suite. Ensuite parce que le public a toujours tendance à espérer naïvement que « tout ira mieux demain » et que le sacrifice demandé pourra être évité. Enfin, cela laisse du temps au public pour s’habituer à l’idée du changement et l’accepter avec résignation lorsque le moment sera venu.

5/ S’adresser au public comme à des enfants en bas-âge

La plupart des publicités destinées au grand-public utilisent un discours, des arguments, des personnages, et un ton particulièrement infantilisants, souvent proche du débilitant, comme si le spectateur était un enfant en bas-age ou un handicapé mental. Plus on cherchera à tromper le spectateur, plus on adoptera un ton infantilisant. Pourquoi ? « Si on s’adresse à une personne comme si elle était âgée de 12 ans, alors, en raison de la suggestibilité, elle aura, avec une certaine probabilité, une réponse ou une réaction aussi dénuée de sens critique que celles d’une personne de 12 ans ». Extrait de « Armes silencieuses pour guerres tranquilles »

6/ Faire appel à l’émotionnel plutôt qu’à la réflexion

Faire appel à l’émotionnel est une technique classique pour court-circuiter l’analyse rationnelle, et donc le sens critique des individus. De plus, l’utilisation du registre émotionnel permet d’ouvrir la porte d’accès à l’inconscient pour y implanter des idées, des désirs, des peurs, des pulsions, ou des comportements…

7/ Maintenir le public dans l’ignorance et la bêtise

Faire en sorte que le public soit incapable de comprendre les technologies et les méthodes utilisées pour son contrôle et son esclavage. « La qualité de l’éducation donnée aux classes inférieures doit être la plus pauvre, de telle sorte que le fossé de l’ignorance qui isole les classes inférieures des classes supérieures soit et demeure incompréhensible par les classes inférieures. Extrait de « Armes silencieuses pour guerres tranquilles »

8/ Encourager le public à se complaire dans la médiocrité

Encourager le public à trouver « cool » le fait d’être bête, vulgaire, et inculte…

9/ Remplacer la révolte par la culpabilité

Faire croire à l’individu qu’il est seul responsable de son malheur, à cause de l’insuffisance de son intelligence, de ses capacités, ou de ses efforts. Ainsi, au lieu de se révolter contre le système économique, l’individu s’auto-dévalue et culpabilise, ce qui engendre un état dépressif dont l’un des effets est l’inhibition de l’action. Et sans action, pas de révolution!…

10/ Connaître les individus mieux qu’ils ne se connaissent eux-mêmes

Au cours des 50 dernières années, les progrès fulgurants de la science ont creusé un fossé croissant entre les connaissances du public et celles détenues et utilisées par les élites dirigeantes. Grâce à la biologie, la neurobiologie, et la psychologie appliquée, le « système » est parvenu à une connaissance avancée de l’être humain, à la fois physiquement et psychologiquement. Le système en est arrivé à mieux connaître l’individu moyen que celui-ci ne se connaît lui-même. Cela signifie que dans la majorité des cas, le système détient un plus grand contrôle et un plus grand pouvoir sur les individus que les individus eux-mêmes.

Jijel-Info, 1/10/2010

Testimonie from Western Sahara

A London-based journalist, broadcaster and human rights campaigner, 2010 Comment Awards nominee Stefan Simanowitz writes for publications in the UK and around the world including: the Independent, the Guardian, the Financial Times, Prospect the New Statesman, In These Times, the New Internationalist, and the Mail & Guardian. He has worked with Nelson Mandela and the ANC during South Africa’s first democratic election campaign and chairs the Free Western Sahara Campaign and the Westminster Committee on Iran. He has a background in law and worked for Liberty, the European Commission as well as attending the Truth and Reconciliation Hearings in South Africa. He also writes on travel and culture, music reviews, books, film and theatre and takes photographs to accompany his reviews and reportage. Website




The Other Afrik - North Africa - Algeria - Morocco - Western Sahara
Running the gauntlet: Silent Saharawis protest on streets of Western Sahara
Friday 1 October 2010 / by Stefan Simanowitz, for the other afrik



“They tore off my clothes leaving me naked in front of their ferocious eyes,” twenty year-old Nguia El Haouasi tells me describing an ordeal she suffered last year at the hands of Moroccan police. As a campaigner for self-determination of her native Western Sahara she has been arrested many times. On this occasion she was released after just 24 hours but not before she had been beaten and tortured.
I met Nguia, a delicate young woman, at an international conference in Algiers last weekend. At the end of the conference whilst other delegates were flying home in comfort, Nguia along with 72 other human rights defenders from Western Sahara would have to run the gauntlet of returning to their home in Layoune where they knew the Moroccan police would be waiting. The human rights defenders decided to stagger their travel, flying in three separate groups accompanied by international observers and journalists.
The first group arrived on Monday and despite a large and intimidating police presence, they were allowed to pass unmolested. The second group were not so fortunate. On Wednesday evening as the 28 activists came out of the airport terminal the police closed in. “They started shoving, punching and kicking indiscriminately" said one of the observers Carmelo Ramirez, president of the Federation of Institutions in solidarity with the Sahara (FEDISSAH). “One young activist, Mohamed Mayara, was seriously wounded by a blow to the head.” According to Ramirez, Mayara "chose not to go to hospital out of fear” and was instead treated in an ambulance where he received several stitches to his head and lip. Spanish actor Guillermo Toledo who travelled with the human rights defenders from Algiers was attempting to record the assaults on his mobile phone when he was also targeted. “Several police men jumped on me, pulling me down, kicking and punching me." He suffered a fractured finger.
The third group arrived on Thursday evening and managed to travel to the house where Saharawi activists had gathered to celebrate their return. Around 100 police had also turned up and surrounded the house. Holding hands and with their mouths taped-up 94 activists held a sit-down protest in the street in front of the bristling police. According to Spanish journalist Laura Gallego who was there, the police were “plunged into confusion” and stood by, uncertain how to react. The protest was heralded by Saharawi human rights activist, Asfari Ennaama, as an important victory. "Our silence said so much. Our silence was an eloquent denouncation of the repression to which we subjected, our lack of freedom and the violation of our rights."
This Friday marks the first anniversary of the arrest of several prominent human rights defenders who were arrested in Casablanca airport after returning from a visit to the refugee camps in Algeria where around 165,000 Saharawi have lived in exile for over 35 years. Three of the activists - Brahim Dahane, president of ASVDH, Ali Salem Tamek, Vice-President of CODESA, Ahmed Naciri vice president Samara Saharawi Human Rights Committee – are still imprisoned in Sale jail, Rabat awaiting trial by a military tribunal. If found guilty of ’treason’ they could face the death sentence. Meanwhile over 20 expert witnesses are expected to give testimony of human rights abuses in occupied Western Sahara to the United Nations Decolonisation Committee in New York next week. Campaigners will also gather there to call for the United Nations to immediately enforce Security Council resolutions requiring a referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara.
At the conference in Algiers the human rights defenders had been in buoyant mood. After having given their testimony - which included many horrific stories of torture, rape and sodomy - they mingled easily with the delegates who represented over twenty countries. Forty-year old Ibrahim Brahim Saber, an activist who has been in and out of prison since the age of sixteen was well aware of the risks he faced in returning home to Layoune. “I have been beaten and tortured many times and in many ways” he said. “But none of us have chosen this life of struggle. We were born into it.”

The monarchs and Slavery in Morocco

President Abdelaziz on CNN Spanish Version

Sáhara. Memoria y olvido

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Sáhara. Memoria y olvido

Yolanda Sobero

Histórico Acuerdo de la Cámara de Diputados de Chile insta al inmediato reconocimiento de la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática.

NOTA DE PRENSA



Histórico Acuerdo de la Cámara de Diputados de Chile insta al inmediato reconocimiento de la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática.





La Cámara de Diputados de la República de Chile ha aprobado el Jueves 02 de Agosto, la resolución Nº 134 mediante la cuál “solicita a SE el Presidente de la República, activa y encarecidamente, por razones históricas constitutivas a la nación chilena, honrar definitivamente la palabra de Chile procediendo sin mas dilación al reconocimiento de la RASD y al inmediato establecimiento de las relaciones diplomáticas entre ambos países”.

El acuerdo, tramitado inicialmente el 08 de Agosto, a solicitud de 30 diputados y con la adhesión de alrededor de 60 miembros de la Cámara, pone en consideración que desde 1975, el Reino de Marruecos procedió a ocupar militarmente territorio del Sahara Occidental, dando origen a un conflicto que mantiene enfrentado a dicho país con el pueblo saharaui, habitante ancestral del mencionado territorio.

Que con motivo de la guerra contra la ocupación extranjera, prosigue la resolución, el pueblo saharaui ha debido enfrentar graves y sistemáticas violaciones a sus derechos humanos por parte de la ocupación extranjera.

En este sentido, Cámara de Diputados recuerda que ante el agravamiento de dicha situación, había condenado enérgicamente las violaciones sistemáticas a los derechos humanos en el Sahara Occidental, en su Proyecto de Acuerdo Nº 02 aprobado el 18 de Marzo de 2010.

El Embajador Saharaui en misión para Chile, Mohamed Zrug, al destacar altamente el valor histórico y político del acuerdo, agradecía en un mensaje dirigido a los diputados y diputadas sus compromisos por hacer justicia con un tema pendiente y de alta trascendencia para ambas naciones, al mismo tiempo que expresaba su deseo, en que el Gobierno de la República corresponda satisfactoriamente al acuerdo aprobado por el congreso de los diputados.

Un grupo de legisladores en representación de todas las fuerzas políticas representadas en la Cámara, llevara ante el gobierno en los sucesivos días el texto aprobado, para su conocimiento y valoración.

New Association in Smara, Western Sahara

انطلاقا من الواقع المتردي لحقوق الانسان باقليم الصحراء الغربية كمنطقة متنازع عليها بين المملكة المغربية وجبهة البوليساريو لازيد من ثلاثة عقود ومايثيره هدا الوضع من معاناة تنعكس على سكان إقليم الصحراء الغربية .حيث يلاحظ تزايد حدة قمع المظاهرات ومصادرة الحريات و متابعة النشطاء الحقوقيين بهذا الاقليم من طرف السلطات الأمنية المغربية بل و تنظيم محاكمات صورية لمدافعين عن حقوق الإنسان .والزج بهم في السجون بأحكام قاسية .وقطع أرزاقهم .

. كل هذه الممارسات تستهدف الحد من تنامي الحركة الحقوقية الصحراوية وفرملة نشاطها في المتمثل في رصد ومتابعة وفضح الإنتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان التي تنفذها الدولة المغربية

. أمام هذه الوضعية إرتئينا نحن مجموعة من المعتقلين السياسيين السابقين والنشطاء الحقوقيين الصحراويين .تشكيل منظمة صحراوية تعنى بحقوق الإنسان تستهدف إشاعة ثقافة إحترام هذه الحقوق والدفاع عنها والتبليغ عن الخروقات المرتكبة وإغناء التجربة الحقوقية الصحراوية بصفة عامة.

تحت إسم – منظمة شمس الحرية للدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء ألغربية –

. والتي تضم كل من

. -الناصيري احمد *معتقل رأي بسجن سلا المغربية * رئيسا للمظمة.

. -الشيخ بنعلال *معتقل سياسي سابق *نائبا للرئيس.

. -ددي احمادة* معتقل سياسي سابق *كاتبا عاما.

-احمد الموساوي* معتقل سياسي سابق*نائب الكاتب العام.

نظيرة ميلد *مكلفة بالصندوق*.

لالة سلكها بيبا*نائبة المكلفة بالصندوق*.

ابراهيم الشيخي * معتقل سياسي سابق*.مستشار.

ديدا عبد السلام* معتقل سياسي سابق*. مستشار.

تناخة عثمان* معتقل سياسي سابق*. مستشار.

كلتوم بصير *مستشارة

Sign the Petition for Fish Elsewhere

http://fishelsewhere.eu/index.php?dl=fr
http://fishelsewhere.eu/index.php?parse_news=single&cat=195&art=1022

Western Sahara and the Sahrawis: a Cross-Road or a New Road-Map?

Western Sahara and the Sahrawis: a Cross-Road or a New Road-Map.
BY: Mohamed-Brahim

The Western Sahara deadlock has been taking place for many years and caused a lot of misery, suffering, debates, and frustration among other things. The UN-brokered peace plan has only contributed to more grievance and false hopes. Yet in Western Sahara, recent civilian nonviolent resistance has greatly impacted the lives of the Sahrawis and changed political calculations. Oppression, beatings, torture, imprisonment, unfair trails have only pushed Sahrawis to go on further and challenge the Moroccan "Makhzen" (regime), thus raising more awareness about the Sahrawis and their situation. The emergence of a Sahrawi civil society is now highly recognized as it is more active now than ever. The UN Security Council keeps ignoring the Sahrawis’ plea for human rights monitoring, but France continues to block it. One can only ask the following question: Are we entering a new era in the peace process of Western Sahara where a new road-map is being jotted down by the so called “Group of Friends”? Or is it a cross-roads for the Sahrawis in the unfinished quest for an independent state? For many decades, hope was out there calling out for Sahrawis: Hope for an independent country where Sahrawis can exercise their sovereignty over their land, and enjoy the liberty and the freedom they should have had years ago, before the Moroccan invasion of 1975. There were many wars, battles, and also too much blood shed and spilled for the sake of that land. The year 1991 was a decisive year when the Polisario and Morocco agreed to a cease fire and the organization of a referendum. People cherished the decision and everyone saluted the courageous peace-makers. But at what price then? Sahrawis in the refugees camps packed up their earthly modest belongings and stayed put for the long-awaited dream to come true: Waited for that beautiful day where they would embrace their own land and hug their own siblings on the other side of Morocco’s wall. The hope for a referendum evaporated in the amid the dry Lahmada, and the dream turned into a simple mirage. People got desperate and many felt betrayed by their own leadership and the International Community. It was a bitter feeling. The UN, from certain people’s perspective, has only added to their misery and contaminated their life with false promises and brought about the downfall of their own sense of glory, while bringing a celebrated sense of triumph to some others. The Polisario leadership made a fatal mistake by agreeing to the cease-fire treaty and accepting to abide by the International Legality. The Sahrawis paid a high price for peace, and the impasse is what they are getting in return. Morocco took advantage of the situation and strengthened its berm, reinforced the army, and trained its skilled soldiers. This period has also benefitted Morocco where by more “settlements" were built in the occupied Western Sahara, and more Moroccan settlers were brought in to "subdue" the Sahrawis, who became a minority in their own land. This allowed Moroccan to come up with so called autonomy initiative to rule out the option of a Referendum on Self-determination. Huge sums of money are spent on lobbying and bribing for the sake of autonomy and to legitimize the illegal occupation of Western Sahara. Among these strategies, the Moroccan people are being brainwashed continuously to provide support; together all the sniveling voices around the monarchy thus insure their submission and unquestioned loyalty. The Sahrawis, for their own sake, did not give up and we witnessed the first and ongoing Intifada. "The Independence Intifada" emerged amidst frustration, oppression, and a new will to triumph and to stand up. This time the civil nonviolent resistance came from within the mass of unrivaled Sahrawi generations inside the occupied territories. Why did it burst out? How? And what did Sahrawis gain from it so far? The Intifada of May 2005 is still striking back hard at the Morocco’s oppressive regime. It is not the first popular non-violent resistance the Sahara has known. There were many uprisings and demonstration in the history of the Sahrawis struggle, but this one is, by far, the toughest one and the longest one. It emerged abruptly and spontaneously. Everyone applauded and showed solidarity. The more civilians protested against occupation, the more enraged the regime became. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Frontline, the World Organization against Torture and many other human rights organizations followed the situation, interviewed Sahrawis and studied the case. Media started talking about the silenced voices which came rising like an erupting volcano. It was like the rebirth of a myth. A myth of people’s power. A personification of a strong will to say no and to stop the aggression. The whole world is witnessing a new face of the struggle. It evolved around one solid truth: "The Sahrawis will never surrender." Sahrawis flags on poles, graffiti on walls, demonstration, uprisings, and hunger-strikes from inside and outside prisons. Morocco felt that the whole world was crumbling around it; the Intifada proved to be an effective weapon aimed to shorten the life-span of the occupation. The UN sends in a human rights delegation to investigate. Yet, its report could be not published because France stopped it. The EU sends in its own delegations. Moroccan is faulted but. silence is the only response. The Intifada has completed more than five years, leaving Sahrawis still in limbo. True enough, Sahrawis gained respect, solidarity, and the world’s admiration. Yet, there are still the refugee camps, the diaspora, and the illegal plundering of Western Sahara’s natural resources. The conflict seems to be caught in a knotted web, a chess game. The world’s decision making countries list the Western Sahara at the bottom of their agenda. The new world order has seemingly excluded the Western Sahara from its political and economic map. In recent years, and in parallel with the Intifada, the Polisario has developed many new strategies: Film festivals, arts festivals, marathons, conferences, TV broadcasts, and a Sahrawi delegations visit the other side of berm. Indeed, these new tactics did not go unanswered by Morocco. The Moroccan regime activated Moroccan communities abroad, the associations, the political parties, and engaged all pro-Moroccans into a feverish war to re-launch its own propaganda and thus launching a new war against Sahrawis everywhere. The Western Sahara conflict is no longer monopolized by the palace nor by the elite, though its sequences are still solidly directed and advised by the king and his close circle. During recent events, Sahrawis realized that they are not fighting Moroccans, but rather fighting France. France is the "Guardian Angel". The cornerstone in this complicated formula. Apparently, Morocco is no longer leading the war nor abiding by international legality as long as France is out there ready to defend, attack, and block any UNSC resolution in favor of the Sahrawis and their legitimate sole representative: the Polisario. James Baker, John Bolton, Kofi Annan, Ban ki Moon, Christopher Ross ... etc. All are names of high-ranked politicians or leaders who tackled, firsthand, the issue of Western Sahara but with no results so far. Moroccan is pushing hard for its autonomy initiative while the Polisario has presented many approaches to the conflict, and has made many concessions. So far, the only signs of improvements are the exchange of family visits to and from the refugee camps, the commitment to enact plans to destroy landmines, and the will to continue the process of negotiations. The question still remains: Did the Moroccans trick the Sahrawis into this stalemate? Did the Sahrawis miscalculate? Did something go wrong along the line?. The UN’s recent resolutions called for the extention of the MINURSO mandate, and for the parties to engage in negotiations without conditions, while it also called for innovation and imagination. The Polisario, a few days before the recent UNSC resolution, threatened to revise the nature of its relation with the MINURSO. Yet, the threat was not considered serious and no immediate action has been so far. The young generations feel they are being left behind and their voices are not heard. They are ready to shout out loud and clear if given the OK by the Polisario. There is a general consensus that war will be the sting Moroccan need in times like this. The world would not do anything unless there is blood shed. Their patience has limits, and pressure is building up on both sides of the berm. What Sahrawis need to do is: 1- To stop dealing with MINURSO and no longer cooperate with them, as MINURSO has nothing to offer. As long as MINURSO does not provide a timetable for a referendum on independence, its mandate should be considered a dead letter. 2- Sahrawis everywhere ought to demonstrate in front of MINURSO offices and Headquarters. Those abroad can organize sit-ins in front of the UN offices. All demonstrators can hand their MINURSO sponsored, identification documents with a black line on the upper right corner to symbolize MINURSO’s death. 3- Sahrawis have to twist the arm of France by seeking out a more powerful ally, preferably a member of UNSC; they can also dictate their own terms by threatening to turn the French-speaking countries against it, especially in Africa. This will prove effective if more help and action are provided by Algeria and strong African allies. 4- Sahrawis can ask apply for the membership of the Hispanidad. Spain will not be, thus, isolated and threatened. Spain’s economic and cultural ties are strong with Latin America more than with Morocco. This, if done, will be a victorious move and Sahrawis would no longer fear any Spanish Interference. 5- A call for Sahrawi national unity should be made. Associations operating in the Western Sahara have to work hand in hand for the greater good. Involving the new generations in the decision-making will bring new fresh ideas. Also, organization and guidance should be the general main frame in which everyone should think and act and react. Thinking out of the box will not mean bringing about untraditional ideas and applying them. 6- Sahrawis do not have to open Pandora’s Box to come up with creative ideas and tactics. Everything is out there for them to grab. Financing action has always been a challenge. Yet, the Polisario can always think about investing some money here and there to keep resistance alive. The activists and the Intifada youth need support and resources to continue the struggle. If given the smallest amount of financial resources, they can achieve more results. 7-The mobilization of every tool and every skilled person we have, including all non Sahrawis and who are, and to whom Sahrawis are grateful, working around the clock to raise awareness and to unmask Morocco’s atrocities and conspiracies. Mobilization of financial funds and money trusts should be put to test. The Polisario ought to think about investing money in foreign markets to be able to sponsor its operations, especially in the occupied territory. The international aid is not enough and is diminishing and is being used as a strategic tool against the Sahrawis by certain powers to pressure them into more concessions. 8- The Sahrawis should think about forming an active team to study all facets of situations and gather all information that is related to the Sahrawi conflict with all that it might entail. A futuristic vision and a deep insight should be the goal for that team. Once all data is piled up and studied on a daily basis, reports should be generated and evaluated and then sent to all those concerned for better decision making. They ought to have a certain kind of strategic planning for the good of their own people. Last and not least, mapping the future can be engraved by Sahrawis themselves without even seeking the help from outside. Despite the fact they are a minority, Sahrawis do, in fact, have a lot to offer. Great skills come from deep impacts. Resources are out there but they just need to select them wisely and to make the right decision. Times are changing, and Sahrawis have to change with them and learn from past experiences. It is never too late to look back and to get ready for more powerful action. The Western Sahara Republic is a FACT and it will establish its existence whether Morocco likes it or not. The question is: Will the Sahrawis go for next step or not? It is a choice and when you have a choice and a road-map, which would be easy to figure out where a clean vision is omnipresent.

Norway and Switzerland: Western Sahara "not part of EFTA-Morocco free trade"

| Western Sahara
Politics | Economy - Development
Western Sahara "not part of EFTA-Morocco free trade"
afrol News, 13 May - The Moroccan-EFTA free trade agreement does not cover Western Sahara, according to a clarification by Norwegian and Swiss authorities. Also the US-Moroccan free trade agreement excludes Western Sahara, leaving only the EU including the occupied territory.

The clarification was made by Norwegian Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre in Oslo parliament this week. "Since Morocco does not exercise internationally recognised sovereignty over Western Sahara, Western Sahara is not seen as a part of Morocco's territory in relation to this agreement. The Free Trade Agreement is thus not applicable to goods from Western Sahara," stated Mr Støre.

The government of Switzerland has made recent and similar clarifications, leaving the EFTA trade block's two major economies on the same course. EFTA, existing since 1960, also comprises of Iceland and Liechtenstein, and is closely associated to the European Union (EU).

The clarification from Minster Støre follows an import scandal that has been unrolled in Norwegian media over the last weeks, involving the president of the Norwegian business association, millions of euros in tax evasions, ministers and refugees. As a result of the affair, it has become clear that the practice of EFTA is in stark contrast to the policy fronted by the European Commission on trade with goods from occupied Western Sahara.

EFTA in 1997 signed an association agreement with Morocco. Exports from Morocco to the four EFTA states was thus made far easier, but created a loophole, giving importers a chance to export products from occupied Western Sahara free of duty if mislabelling the imports as 'Moroccan'.

And this is exactly what happened in Norway, media unveiled. A leading importing firm secretly purchased fish oil from Western Sahara for use for aquaculture industry for a decade.

The Norwegian fish oil importer, GC Rieber, by mislabelling 12-20,000 tonnes of Western Saharan fish oil annually as 'Moroccan', thus failing to pay customs to Norwegian authorities for perhaps as much as euro 50 million.

The reason for the tax difference is that Norway does not recognise the Moroccan annexation of Western Sahara. Both Norway and Switzerland, the two biggest EFTA states, thus clearly have stated that the EFTA free trade agreement with Morocco does not apply to products originating from Western Sahara.

The affair in Norway did not get less controversial considering that the importer was owned by the President of the Confederation of Norwegian Enterprise. During the last few weeks, the president of the Confederation has resigned over the affair and his company is under investigation by the Norwegian Ministry of Finance.

The Oslo government on several occasions has told Norwegian companies not to get involved in business in the occupied territory. But occasionally, scandals involving Norwegian investments in Western Sahara, in particular in the fisheries, oil and phosphate sectors, have been unveiled by media, mostly leading to quick divestments.

By clearly excluding Western Sahara territory from the application of the EFTA-Morocco Free Trade Agreement, Norway now applies the same interpretation as the other major EFTA country, Switzerland.

"Since Switzerland does not recognise the Moroccan annexation, the free trade agreement between EFTA and Morocco is not applicable for Western Sahara", stated Martin Zbinden, Head of Free Trade Agreement at the Swiss State Secretariat for Economic Affairs in 2007, when the Swiss Western Sahara committee, ARSO, investigated Swiss tomato imports from the territory.

By excluding Western Sahara, EFTA is thus is much more clearly following the UN and US, than the EU. A US-Moroccan agreement explicitly excludes Western Sahara, but an EU-Moroccan agreement in practical terms includes the territory. The EU for example pays the Moroccan government for fishing in Western Sahara waters.



By staff writer

© afrol News

DERECHOS HUMANOS programa producido por la coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos 067. Conflicto en el Sahara occidental

Letter from RFK and HRW to Ban Ki Moon

8 أبريل/نيسان 2010



فاكس: 4879/7055 963 212



السيد بان كى مون

الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة

مبنى الأمانة العامة، غرفة S-3800

نيويورك، 10017



بشأن: مراقبة حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي مخيمات تندوف بالجزائر



سيادة الأمين العام،



قامت المنظمتان الموقعتان أدناه - هيومن رايتس ووتش ومركز روبرت ف كينيدي للعدالة وحقوق الإنسان - بالعمل بشكل مستفيض على قضايا حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية. وإذ يساورنا القلق إزاء انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان ضد الصحراويين، فإننا نكتب إليكم لطلب دعمكم، داخل مجلس الأمن الدولي، لإنشاء آلية للأمم المتحدة من شأنها رصد والإبلاغ عن حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي مخيمات اللاجئين الصحراويين في تندوف بالجزائر. عندما يبت مجلس الأمن ولاية بعثة الأمم المتحدة للاستفتاء في الصحراء الغربية (مينورسو) هذا الشهر، نطلب أن يتم توسيع صلاحياتها لتتضمن رصد حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي المخيمات في تندوف.



وكان الهدف الرئيسي للمينورسو عند تأسيسها في عام 1991، هو إدارة مقترح التسوية بين المملكة المغربية وجبهة البوليساريو، بما في ذلك الإشراف على وقف إطلاق النار وإجراء استفتاء حول تقرير المصير. ومع ذلك، لما يقرب من عقدين حتى الآن، لم يتم تنفيذ الاستفتاء.



في غضون ذلك، عانى الصحراويون من انتهاكات خطيرة لحقوقهم الفردية والجماعية. وتواصل السلطات المغربية إخضاع هؤلاء الصحراويين، الذين يدعون علنا إلى حق تقرير المصير أو الذين يدينون الانتهاكات المغربية لحقوق الإنسان، لأشكال مختلفة من القمع، بما في ذلك السجن بعد محاكمات غير عادلة، والضرب، وقيود تعسفية على الحق في السفر، والحرمان من الحق في التجمع السلمي وتكوين الجمعيات والتعبير.



إن حالة السيدة أمينتو حيدر، الحاصلة على جائزة روبرت كينيدي لحقوق الإنسان لعام 2008، ذات دلالة. إذ أن السيدة حيدر، الرئيس الحالي لتجمع المدافعين الصحراويين عن حقوق الإنسان، وهي منظمة ترفض السلطات المغربية الاعتراف بها، تعرضت للاختفاء قسرا من عام 1987 حتى عام 1991. وفي 17 يونيو/حزيران 2005، ضربتها الشرطة على رأسها وهي في طريقها إلى مظاهرة، ثم ألقت عليها القبض بينما كانت تغادر المستشفى، حيث تلقت غرزا جراحية، قبل أدانتها من قبل محكمة مغربية في محاكمة غير عادلة بتهمة التحريض على مظاهرات عنيفة والمشاركة فيها، وأمضت سبعة أشهر في السجن قبل الإفراج عنها. وفي 14 نوفمبر/تشرين الثاني 2009، صادر المغرب جواز سفر السيدة حيدر ورحلها إلى جزر الكناري لأنها دوّنت في خانة مكان الإقامة على ورقة دخول الحدود "الصحراء الغربية"، وهي تسمية لا يعترف بها المغرب. ولم يوافق المغرب على عودتها إلى غاية 17 ديسمبر/كانون الأول 2009.

ونشرت منظمات حقوق الإنسان، مثل منظمة العفو الدولية وهيومن رايتس ووتش، منذ فترة طويلة، تقارير عن هذه الانتهاكات لحقوق الإنسان. وأحاط تقرير الأمين العام المؤرخ في 28 يوليو/تموز 2009 المقدم إلى الجمعية العامة علما بمثل هذه التقارير. وعلاوة على ذلك، في عام 2006، أجرى مكتب الأمم المتحدة للمفوضية السامية لحقوق الإنسان بعثة لدراسة حالة حقوق الإنسان في المنطقة، على الرغم من أنها لم تنشر رسميا التقرير الذي أعد بناء على نتائجها.



إن تقريركم الجديد بشأن الصحراء الغربية، بتاريخ أبريل/نيسان 2010، يلاحظ أن "جبهة البوليساريو تدعو إلى آلية رصد للأمم المتحدة [حقوق الإنسان]، وأعرب المغرب عن معارضته للمقترح".



والصحراويون المقيمون في مخيمات اللاجئين النائية التي تديرها البوليساريو في تندوف، يعيشون في حالة من العزلة وسيستفيدون، على غرار سكان الصحراء الغربية، من الحماية الكبيرة التي يمكن أن يوفرها رصد الأمم المتحدة لحقوق الإنسان.



إنه لمن الملائم إلى حد بعيد أن تعطى سلطة مراقبة حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي مخيمات تندوف لبعثة المينورسو الموجودة بالفعل على أرض الواقع في الصحراء الغربية، وتعمل هناك منذ عام 1991. وتنص أيضا ولاية البعثة صراحة على أنها ستكون محكومة بالمبادئ العامة للأمم المتحدة لحفظ السلام. وتحدد إدارة الأمم المتحدة لعمليات حفظ السلام احترام حقوق الإنسان على أنه عنصر حاسم لتحقيق السلم الدائم وجزء لا يتجزأ من عملياتها. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، تتيح ولاية البعثة رصد "ضمان القانون والنظام" في الصحراء الغربية. وبالتالي، عدم وجود مراقبة حقوق الإنسان كمكون ضمن البعثة يتعارض مع ولاية البعثة نفسها ومع المبادئ العامة لإدارة عمليات حفظ السلام. علاوة على ذلك، وعلى الرغم من أن رصد حقوق الإنسان هي ميزة معيارية في بعثات حفظ السلام، فإن بعثة المينورسو تعمل ربما كالبعثة المعاصرة لحفظ السلام للأمم المتحدة الوحيدة بدون عنصر مراقبة حقوق الإنسان.



وفي حالة إذا ما قرر مجلس الأمن أن بعثة المينورسو ليست الجهة الأكثر فعالية لتولي هذه الأدوار، فإننا نؤيد تشكيل آلية أخرى للأمم المتحدة للرصد والإبلاغ عن حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية ومخيمات تندوف. وفي الحالتين، فقد حان الوقت كي تجعل الأمم المتحدة بعثة حفظ السلام هذه متسقة مع بعثات حفظ السلام الأخرى التابعة لها في جميع أنحاء العالم عن طريق ضمان أنها تشمل الرصد والإبلاغ المنتظمين عن انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان.



نشكركم على اهتمامكم بطلبنا.



مع خالص التقدير،





مونيكا كالرا فارما

مديرة مركز روبرت كينيدي لحقوق الإنسان

مركز روبرت ف. كينيدي للعدالة وحقوق الإنسان





سارة ليا ويتسن

المديرة التنفيذية لقسم الشرق الأوسط وشمال أفريقيا

هيومن رايتس ووتش





April 8, 2010





Via Fax: 212 963 7055 / 4879



His Excellency Ban Ki-Moon
Secretary-General
United Nations
Secretariat Building, Room S-3800
New York, NY 10017



Re: Human Rights Monitoring in Western Sahara and in Camps in Tindouf, Algeria



Your Excellency:



Our organizations, Human Rights Watch and the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights (RFK Center), have an established record of working on human rights issues in Western Sahara. Concerned about human rights violations against the Sahrawi people, we write to urge your support at the UN Security Council for the establishment of a UN mechanism that would monitor and report on human rights in Western Sahara and in the Sahrawi refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria. When the Security Council reviews the mandate of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) this month, we ask that the mandate be extended to incorporate human rights monitoring in Western Sahara and in the camps in Tindouf.



When founded in 1991, the primary objective of MINURSO was to administer the settlement proposal between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front, including overseeing the ceasefire and the implementation of a referendum on self-determination. However, for almost two decades now, the referendum has not been held.



In the interim, the Sahrawi people have suffered from serious violations of their individual and collective human rights. Moroccan authorities continue to subject those Sahrawis who openly advocate self-determination or who denounce Moroccan human rights violations to various forms of repression, including imprisonment after unfair trials, beatings, arbitrary restrictions on the right to travel, and denial of the right to peaceful assembly, association, and expression.



The case of Ms. Aminatou Haidar, the 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Laureate, is emblematic. Ms. Haidar, currently president of the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders, an organization Moroccan authorities have refused to recognize, was forcibly disappeared from 1987 until 1991. On June 17, 2005, police beat her on the head as she was arriving at a demonstration, then arrested her as she left the hospital where she had received stitches for her injury. A Moroccan court then convicted her in an unfair trial on charges of inciting and participating in violent demonstrations. She spent seven months in prison before being freed. On November 14, 2009, Morocco confiscated the passport of Ms. Haidar and summarily deported her to the Canary Islands because she had listed as her place of residence on her border entry form as “Western Sahara”, an appellation Morocco does not recognize. Morocco did not agree to her return until December 17, 2009.



Human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have long reported on these human rights violations. The Secretary-General’s Report of 28 July 2009 to the General Assembly took cognizance of such reports. Further, in 2006, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) conducted a mission to examine the human rights situation in the region, although it never officially published the report it had prepared on its findings.



Your new report on Western Sahara, dated April 2010, notes, “The Frente Polisario called for a United Nations [human rights] monitoring mechanism, and Morocco expressed its opposition.”



Sahrawis residing in the remote Polisario-run refugee camps in Tindouf live in a state of isolation and would, like residents of Western Sahara, benefit from the heightened protection that U.N. human rights monitoring would offer.



It is only fitting that the authority to monitor human rights in Western Sahara and in the camps in Tindouf be given to MINURSO. MINURSO is already present on the ground in Western Sahara, and has operated there since 1991. Also, MINURSO’s mandate explicitly states that MINURSO would be governed by the general principles of United Nations peace-keeping operations. The United Nations Department of Peace-Keeping Operations (DPKO) identifies respect for human rights as a critical component for achieving sustainable peace integral to its operations. The mandate of MINURSO additionally provides for monitoring the “maintenance of law and order” in Western Sahara. The lack of a human rights monitoring component within MINURSO is therefore inconsistent with MINURSO’s own mandate and the general principles of the DPKO. Further, although human rights monitoring is a standard feature in peacekeeping missions, MINURSO operates as perhaps the only contemporary U.N. peacekeeping mission without a human rights component.



In the event that the Security Council determines that MINURSO is not the most effective agency to take on these roles, we would endorse the assignment of another UN mechanism to monitor and report on human rights in Western Sahara and the camps in Tindouf. Either way, it is time for the UN to bring this peacekeeping mission into line with its other peacekeeping missions worldwide by ensuring that includes regular monitoring and reporting of human rights violations.



We thank you for your consideration of our request.



Sincerely,





Monika Kalra Varma

Director, RFK Center for Human Rights

Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights







Sarah Leah Whitson

Executive Director, Middle East & North Africa Division

Human Rights Watch






Su Excelencia Ban Ki-Moon

Secretario General

Organización de las Naciones Unidas



Re: Observación de derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y los campamentos de Tinduf, Argelia



Su Excelencia:



Nuestras organizaciones, Human Rights Watch y el Centro Robert F. Kennedy para la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos (RFK Center), han establecido una trayectoria de trabajo en las cuestiones relacionadas con los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental. Movidos por nuestra preocupación acerca de las violaciones de los derechos humanos del pueblo saharaui, nos dirigimos a SE para instarle a que apoye en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU la creación de un mecanismo que observe e informe sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y en los campamentos de refugiados saharauis de Tinduf, Argelia. Pedimos que, cuando el Consejo de Seguridad revise este mes el mandato de la Misión de la ONU para el referéndum del Sáhara Occidental (MINURSO), se extienda el mismo para que incorpore la observación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y los campamentos de Tinduf.

Cuando se fundó en 1991, el objetivo principal de la MINURSO era administrar la propuesta de acuerdo entre el Reino de Marruecos y el Frente Polisario, lo que incluía supervisar el alto el fuego y la implementación de un referendo sobre la autodeterminación. No obstante, ya han pasado casi dos décadas y no se ha celebrado el referendo.

Mientras tanto, el pueblo saharaui ha sufrido graves violaciones de sus derechos humanos individuales y colectivos. Las autoridades marroquíes continúan sometiendo a los saharauis que defienden abiertamente la autodeterminación o denuncian las violaciones de los derechos humanos por parte de Marruecos a varias formas de represión, que incluyen el encarcelamiento dictado en juicios injustos, palizas, restricciones del derecho a viajar y negación del derecho de asamblea pacífica, libertad de asociación y libertad de expresión.

El caso de Aminatou Haidar, galardonada con el Premio de Derechos Humanos Robert F. Kennedy de 2008, es emblemático. Haidar, quien preside actualmente el Colectivo de Defensores de los Derechos Humanos Saharauis, una organización que las autoridades marroquíes se han negado a reconocer, desapareció por la fuerza desde 1987 a 1991. El 17 de junio de 2005, la policía la golpeó en la cabeza cuando llegaba a una manifestación, y la arrestó cuando salía del hospital donde habían cosido su herida. Un tribunal marroquí la condenó después en un juicio injusto por incitación y participación en manifestaciones violentas. Pasó siete meses en prisión antes de que la dejaran en libertad. El 14 de noviembre de 2009, Marruecos confiscó su pasaporte y la deportó sumariamente hasta las Islas Canarias, por haber escrito que su lugar de residencia era el "Sáhara Occidental" en el formulario de entrada al país, una denominación que no reconoce Marruecos. Marruecos no aceptó su regreso hasta el 17 de diciembre de 2009.

Las organizaciones de derechos humanos, como Amnistía Internacional y Human Rights Watch, llevan mucho tiempo informando sobre estas violaciones de los derechos humanos. El Informe del Secretario General del 28 de julio de 2009 a la Asamblea General reconoció dichos informes. Es más, en 2006, la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos (OACDH) realizó una misión para examinar la situación de los derechos humanos en la región, aunque nunca publicó oficialmente el informe que había elaborado sobre sus observaciones.

Su nuevo informe sobre el Sáhara Occidental, con fecha de abril de 2010, señala: "El Frente Polisario solicitó un mecanismo de observación [de derechos humanos] de la ONU, y Marruecos expresó su oposición".

Los saharauis que residen en los remotos campamentos de refugiados de Tinduf viven en condiciones de aislamiento y, al igual que los residentes del Sáhara Occidental, se beneficiarían del aumento de la protección que proporcionaría la observación e informe de los derechos humanos de la ONU.

Lo apropiado es que la autoridad para observar la situación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y en los campamentos de Tinduf resida en MINURSO. La Misión ya tiene presencia sobre el terreno en el Sáhara Occidental, donde lleva operando desde 1991. Además, el mandato de MINURSO declara explícitamente que estará gobernada por los principios generales de las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas. El Departamento de Operaciones de Mantenimiento de la Paz (DPKO) de las Naciones Unidas considera que el respeto por los derechos humanos es un componente esencial de sus operaciones para lograr una paz sostenible. El mandato de MINURSO dispone además la observación del "mantenimiento de la ley y el orden" en el Sáhara Occidental. Por lo tanto, la falta de un componente de observación e informe de los derechos humanos dentro de MINURSO es incoherente con su propio mandato y los principios generales del DPKO. Es más, aunque la observación de los derechos humanos es una característica normal de las misiones de mantenimiento de la paz, MINURSO opera quizá como la única misión contemporánea de la ONU sin dicho componente.

En caso de que el Consejo de Seguridad determine que MINURSO no es el organismo más eficaz para asumir estas funciones, respaldaríamos la asignación de otro mecanismo de la ONU para observar e informar sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y los campamentos de Tinduf. En cualquiera de los casos, ha llegado el momento de que la ONU armonice esta misión de mantenimiento de la paz con sus otras misiones en todo el mundo asegurándose de que incluya la observación y los informes regulares sobre violaciones de los derechos humanos.



Le agradecemos de antemano su consideración de esta petición.



Atentamente,



Monika Kalra Varma

Directora del Centro RFK de Derechos Humanos

Centro Robert F. Kennedy para la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos



Sarah Leah Whitson

Directora ejecutiva de la División de Oriente Medio y Norte de África

Human Rights Watch






Son Excellence Ban Ki-Moon

Secrétaire général

Nations Unies



Objet : Surveillance des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf en Algérie



Votre Excellence,

Nos organisations, Human Rights Watch et le Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights (Centre RFK), sont reconnues pour leur travail sur les questions des droits humains au Sahara occidental. Préoccupées par les violations des droits humains à l'encontre des Sahraouis, nous vous écrivons pour solliciter votre soutien au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU pour la création d'un mécanisme de l'ONU qui surveillerait et rendrait compte de la situation des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de réfugiés sahraouis à Tindouf, en Algérie. Au moment où le Conseil de sécurité va réexaminer le mandat de la Mission des Nations Unies pour l'organisation d'un référendum au Sahara occidental (MINURSO) ce mois-ci, nous demandons à ce que ce mandat soit élargi de façon à inclure le contrôle des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf.

À sa création en 1991, l'objectif principal de la MINURSO était d'administrer la proposition d'accord entre le Royaume du Maroc et le Front Polisario et notamment en veillant au respect du cessez-le-feu et en organisant un référendum sur l'autodétermination. Toutefois, depuis maintenant près de vingt ans, ce référendum n'a toujours pas eu lieu.

Entre-temps, les Sahraouis ont été victimes de graves violations de leurs droits humains individuels et collectifs. Les autorités marocaines continuent de soumettre les Sahraouis, qui plaident ouvertement pour l'autodétermination ou qui dénoncent les violations des droits humains de la part du Maroc, à diverses formes de répression, à savoir des emprisonnements après des procès inéquitables, des passages à tabac, des restrictions arbitraires du droit de voyager et des atteintes aux droits de rassemblement pacifique, d'association et d'expression.

Le cas de Madame Aminatou Haidar, lauréate 2008 du prix Robert F. Kennedy des droits humains, est emblématique. Madame Haidar, actuellement présidente du Collectif des défenseurs sahraouis des droits de l'homme, organisation que les autorités marocaines ont refusé de reconnaître, a été victime de disparition forcée de 1987 à 1991. Le 17 juin 2005, la police l'a frappé à la tête alors qu'elle arrivait sur les lieux d'une manifestation, puis l'a arrêté alors qu'elle sortait de l'hôpital où sa blessure venait d'être recousue. Un tribunal marocain l'a ensuite condamné lors d'un procès inéquitable pour incitation et participation à des manifestations violentes. Elle a passé sept mois en prison avant d'être libérée. Le 14 novembre 2009, le Maroc a confisqué le passeport de Madame Haidar et l'a expulsé de façon sommaire aux Iles Canaries parce que sur son formulaire d'entrée à la frontière elle avait inscrit comme lieu de résidence « Sahara occidental », appellation non reconnue par le Maroc. Le Maroc n'a accepté son retour que le 17 décembre 2009.

Des organisations de défense des droits humains, comme Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch, rendent compte depuis longtemps de ces violations des droits humains. Le rapport du Secrétaire général du 28 juillet 2009 à l'Assemblée générale a pris connaissance de ces rapports. De plus, en 2006, le Haut-commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l'Homme (HCDH) a mené une mission pour examiner la situation des droits humains dans la région, bien qu'il n'ait jamais officiellement publié le rapport qu'il avait préparé sur ses conclusions.

Votre nouveau rapport du mois d'avril 2010 sur le Sahara occidental indique : « Le Front Polisario a appelé à un mécanisme de surveillance [des droits humains] des Nations Unies, et le Maroc a exprimé son opposition ».

Les Sahraouis vivant dans les camps de réfugiés reculés gérés par le Polisario à Tindouf sont dans un état d'isolement et ils bénéficieraient, comme les habitants du Sahara occidental, de la protection renforcée que pourrait leur offrir une surveillance des droits humains de l'ONU.

Il n'est que juste que l'autorité pour surveiller les droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf soit attribuée à la MINURSO. La MINURSO est déjà présente sur le terrain au Sahara occidental, et y est active depuis 1991. D'autre part, le mandat de la MINURSO indique de façon explicite qu'elle serait gouvernée par les principes généraux des opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies. Le Département des opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies (DOMP) identifie le respect des droits humains comme une composante cruciale pour atteindre une paix durable, inséparable de ses opérations. Le mandat de la MINURSO prévoit de plus la surveillance de la « maintenance de la loi et de l'ordre » au Sahara occidental. Le manque d'une composante chargée de surveiller les droits humains au sein de la MINURSO est par conséquent en contradiction avec le propre mandat de la MINURSO et les principes généraux du DOMP. De plus, bien que la surveillance des droits humains soit une caractéristique standard des missions de maintien de la paix, la MINURSO fonctionne peut-être comme la seule mission de maintien de la paix de l'ONU contemporaine ne disposant pas d'une composante de défense des droits humains.

Dans l'éventualité où le Conseil de sécurité déterminerait que la MINURSO n'est pas l'agence la plus efficace pour endosser ces rôles, nous approuverions la désignation d'un autre mécanisme de l'ONU pour surveiller et rendre compte des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf. Quoi qu'il en soit, il est temps pour l'ONU de mettre cette mission de maintien de la paix en accord avec ses autres missions de maintien de la paix dans le monde, en garantissant qu'elle comporte une composante chargée de surveiller et de rendre compte des violations des droits humains.



Nous vous remercions de prendre notre requête en considération.



Veuillez agréer, Votre Excellence, l'expression de notre haute considération.



Monika Kalra Varma

Directrice du Centre RFK pour les droits humains

Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights



Sarah Leah Whitson

Directrice exécutive de la Division Moyen Orient et Afrique du Nord

Human Rights Watch

U.S. Lawmakers Support Illegal Annexation of Western Sahara : By Steven zunes

U.S. Lawmakers Support Illegal Annexation of Western Sahara
Written by Stephen Zunes
Monday, 05 April 2010
Source: Foreign Policy in Focus

In yet another assault on fundamental principles of international law, a bipartisan majority of the Senate has gone on record calling on the United States to endorse Morocco's illegal annexation of Western Sahara, the former Spanish colony invaded by Moroccan forces in 1975 on the verge of its independence. In doing so, the Senate is pressuring the Obama administration to go against a series of UN Security Council resolutions, a landmark decision of the International Court of Justice, and the position of the African Union and most of the United States' closest European allies.

More disturbingly, this effort appears to have the support of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), head of the Senate Intelligence Committee and principal author of the recent Senate letter supporting Moroccan aggrandizement, claims that the two "are on the same wavelength" on the issue.

The letter, signed by 54 senators, insists that the United States endorse Morocco's "autonomy" plan as the means of settling the conflict. As such, the Senate opposes the vast majority of the world's governments and a broad consensus of international legal scholars, who recognize the illegality of such an imposed settlement. More than 75 countries recognize the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), which represents the people of Western Sahara under the leadership of the Polisario Front. The SADR is also a full member state of the African Union, and has governed nearly half of the people in liberated zones in Western Sahara as well as refugee camps in Algeria for nearly 35 years. The majority of Congress, however, wants the United States to pressure Polisario to surrender the Western Saharan people's right to self-determination and accept the sovereignty of a conquering power.

How Much "Autonomy"?
The autonomy plan is based on the assumption that Western Sahara is part of Morocco rather than an occupied territory, and that Morocco is somehow granting part of its sovereign territory a special status. This is a contention that the United Nations, the World Court, the African Union, and a broad consensus of international legal opinion have long rejected. To accept Morocco's autonomy plan would mean that, for the first time since the founding of the UN and the ratification of the UN Charter nearly 65 years ago, the international community would be endorsing the expansion of a country's territory by military force, thereby establishing a very dangerous and destabilizing precedent.

If the people of Western Sahara accepted an autonomy agreement over independence as a result of a free and fair referendum, it would constitute a legitimate act of self-determination. Outstanding UN Security Council resolutions explicitly call for such a referendum (which the Senate letter ignores). However, Morocco has explicitly stated that its autonomy proposal "rules out, by definition, the possibility for the independence option to be submitted" to the people of Western Sahara, the vast majority of whom favor outright independence.

International law aside, there are a number of practical concerns regarding the Moroccan proposal. For instance, centralized autocratic states have rarely respected the autonomy of regional jurisdictions, which has often led to violent conflict. In 1952, the UN granted the British protectorate of Eritrea autonomous status federated with Ethiopia. In 1961, however, the Ethiopian emperor revoked Eritrea's autonomous status, annexing it as his empire's 14th province. The result was a bloody 30-year struggle for independence and subsequent border wars between the two countries. Similarly, the decision of Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic to revoke the autonomous status of Kosovo in 1989 led to a decade of repression and resistance, culminating in the NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999.

Moreover, the Senate-backed Moroccan proposal contains no enforcement mechanisms. Morocco has often broken its promises to the international community, such as in its refusal to allow the UN-mandated referendum for Western Sahara to go forward. Indeed, a close reading of the proposal raises questions about how much autonomy Morocco is even initially offering, such as whether the Western Saharans will control the territory's natural resources or law enforcement beyond local matters. In addition, the proposal appears to indicate that all powers not specifically vested in the autonomous region would remain with the kingdom. Indeed, since the king of Morocco is ultimately vested with absolute authority under Article 19 of the Moroccan constitution, the autonomy proposal's insistence that the Moroccan state "will keep its powers in the royal domains, especially with respect to defense, external relations and the constitutional and religious prerogatives of His Majesty the King" appears to give the monarch considerable latitude in interpretation.

In any case, the people of Western Sahara will not likely accept autonomy rather than independence. For years, they have engaged in largely nonviolent pro-independence protests only to be subjected to mass arrests, beatings, torture, and extra-judicial killings. The Moroccan authorities would not likely change their ways under "autonomy."

That did not stop Clinton from apparently endorsing Morocco's "autonomy" plan during a visit to Morocco last November, a controversial statement cited by the Senate letter's authors to bolster their case. Just days after Clinton's visit, the emboldened Moroccan authorities expelled Aminatou Haidar, Western Sahara's leading pro-independence activist. Haidar's resulting month-long hunger strike nearly killed her before President Barack Obama pressured Morocco to allow her to return.

The Senate Letter
There has long been concern that Morocco's ongoing illegal occupation of Western Sahara, its human rights abuses, and its defiance of the international community has jeopardized attempts to advance the Arab Maghreb Union and other efforts at regional economic integration and security cooperation. However, the Senate letter turns this argument on its head, arguing that the international community's failure to recognize Morocco's annexation of the territory is the cause of the "growing instability in North Africa." The letter ominously warns that "terrorist activities are increasing" in the region, ignoring the fact that the Polisario Front has never engaged in terrorism, even during the years of guerrilla warfare against Moroccan occupation forces between 1975 and 1991. The Polisario has scrupulously observed a ceasefire ever since, despite Morocco breaking its promise to allow for a UN-sponsored referendum. Furthermore, Islamist radicals have little sympathy for the secular Polisario and the relatively liberal version of Islam practiced by most Western Saharans.

The letter's signatories included 24 Republicans, including ranking Intelligence Committee member Kit Bond (R-MO), Assistant Minority Leader Jon Kyl (R-AZ), and John McCain (R-AZ). There were also 30 Democratic signatories of the letter, including such erstwhile liberals as Ron Wyden (D-OR), Maria Cantwell (D-WA), Carl Levin (D-MI), and Mark Udall (D-CO). Not surprisingly, most of the signers have also gone on record defending Israel's occupation of Palestinian and Syrian territory, and previously supported Indonesia's occupation of East Timor. A majority of the signatories also voted to authorize the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq. When a majority of the Senate goes on record calling on the administration to pursue a policy that fundamentally denies an entire nation its right to self-determination, undermines the UN Charter and other basic principles of international law, and challenges a series of UN Security Council resolutions, it shows just how far to the right this Democratic-controlled body has become.

U.S. support for Indonesia's occupation of East Timor didn't end until human rights activists made it politically difficult for the Clinton administration and members of Congress to continue backing it. Similarly, voters who care about human rights and international law must make it clear they won't support any lawmaker who favors the right of conquest over the right of self-determination.

Stephen Zunes, a Foreign Policy in Focus senior analyst, is a professor of Politics and chair of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of San Francisco. He is the author, along with Jacob Mundy, of the forthcoming Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution (Syracuse University Press).

شاهد عيان : مظاهرة غرناطة كاذبة‏

شاهد عيان : مظاهرة غرناطة كاذبة‏



محمد بن عبد السلام/ مرايا برس
الاثنين 22 مارس 2010

إن المتتبع لمؤتمر غرناطة بين المغرب والإتحاد الأوروبي يستغرب كيف أن ذلك المؤتمر مر بدون حضور إعلامي يذكر ، وخاصة الإعلام الإسباني الذي كان شبه غائب . لكن ما أثار استغرابي ودهشتي أنا الذي ذهبت بحسن نية لمساندة الوفد الرسمي المغربي للتظاهر ضد أعداء الوحدة الترابية , وكذا دعما للمغرب في شراكته المتقدمة مع الإتحاد الأوروبي , علما أنني ذهبت إلى هناك بإرادة شخصية على نفقتي الخاصة حبا في وطن أريد له كل خير . وحيث لم تكون جنسيتي الإسبانية عائقا في مشاركتي ، لأني أحمل هم الوطن في عروقي , فالوطنية هي اللغة ، هي الدين ، الإنتماء ، مسقط الرأس ، وقناعة راسخة في حواسي ... المهم هو أن ما أثار استغرابي هو المعلومات الصادمة والحقيقة التي يسعون إلى إخفاءها حيث وجدتها بانتظاري .
المهم وصلت صباح ذلك اليوم السابع من مارس ، التقيت بوفد دبلوماسي مغربي قدم من إيطاليا الذي دلني على مكان التظاهر " قصر المؤتمرات بغرناطة " ، في ذات الجو المطير ذلك اليوم ، التقيت بعض المغاربة فذهبت لاستفسارهم من أين قدموا ؟ قالوا لي من فرنسا شرحت لهم حالتي أنا الوحيد الذي أختلف عنهم . فأخبروني أنهم قدموا على نفقة الدولة وأن السفارة المغربية هي من تكفلت بكل المصاريف بالإضافة إلى 500 أورو نقدا هي أتعاب الرحلة . كان محدثي من وفد جاء من مدينة بوردو الفرنسية التي قدم منها 200 شخص جلهم شيوخ يتقاضون راتب التقاعد الفرنسي المريح .كانت هناك وفود من مدن فرنسية أخرى , وكذلك وفود أوروبية أخرى ، وكلهم بثمن 500 أورو للفرد ؛ أما وفد إسبانيا فكان أشخاصه من مدريد وبرشلونة ، وبلاد الباسك ، وعرفت لاحقا أنهم تسلموا مبلغ 300 أورو للفرد .
أما من المغرب فقد قدمت حافلتين فيها فنانين وفنانات وكذلك بعض البرلمانيين نالوا أيضا نصيبهم من كعكة المساندة المهزلة . كان العدد الحقيقي هو 2000 شخص وليس كما قالت تلفزتنا بأن عددهم 10000 شخص ، وحتى لو صدقنا التلفزة فستكون المهزلة مضاعفة ، نضرا للمبلغ الكبير المخصص . تلك المبالغ المهدورة كان من الأولى أن تذهب إلى منكوبي فيضانات الغرب ، وجبال الأطلس ...
ويبقى السؤال عن هذه المساندة المهزلة في الرباط , المساندة التي كلفت دافعي الضرائب الفقراء 500 أورو لكل فرد من أجل المشاركة في الوقت الذي يعاني فيه هؤلاء المواطنون / الرعية قمة الفقر والحرمان

American Jewish Committee 's letter to the Senate of USA

March 10, 2010



Dear Senator :

The American Jewish Committee, an organization that advances inter-religious and inter-ethnic understanding and is dedicated to the success of moderation and pluralism in the Arab and Muslim world, urges your endorsement of a letter circulated by Senators Feinstein and Bond supporting U.S. leadership to resolve the longstanding dispute over the Western Sahara, in the interest of easing regional tensions and increasing cooperation against terrorism.



Directed to Secretary Clinton, the Feinstein-Bond letter recognizes the history of bipartisan U.S. support, across three administrations, for a resolution of the Western Sahara issue. In April 2007, Morocco put forward a proposal that would offer the disputed territory – roughly the size of Colorado and with a population of some 400,000 – broad local autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. Ongoing negotiations under United Nations auspices between Morocco and the Algerian-backed Polisario Front have yet to yield results; firm U.S. leadership to assure international support for a just and practical negotiated resolution would advance regional stability and security.



Cognizant of the historic links between – and the broad common interests of – the United States and Morocco, and as an institutional partner of the Moroccan Jewish community, the American Jewish Committee strongly supports efforts by our Government and the Kingdom to enhance cooperation in many spheres, from the struggle against terrorism and extremism, to expanded economic opportunity in the Maghreb, cultural and educational exchange, and political reform. It was our faith in this vital relationship that underlay AJC’s support for the U.S.-Morocco Free Trade Agreement of 2004, and is the foundation of our ongoing dialogue with Moroccan officials and civil society on pressing issues of regional peace, security and human rights.



AJC views reinforced U.S. advocacy of Morocco’s autonomy proposal for Western Sahara as critical to the further enhancement of ties between our nation and the Kingdom, the continued advance of political and economic progress in Morocco, and effective pursuit of cooperative strategies to counter regional instability and international terrorism. We urge your signature on the Feinstein-Bond letter to Secretary Clinton.



With appreciation for your consideration of AJC’s views on this matter, I remain,



Respectfully,



Jason F. Isaacson

Meriem Hassan Video: Haiyu

Uprisings in Laayoune March 09/2010 _Arabic_

تدخلت قوات القمع المغربية بعنف مساء اليوم الثلاثاء لقمع مظاهرة سلمية نظمها وفد النشطاء الحقوقيين بحضور عشرات المواطنين الصحراويين بحي معطى بالعيون المحتلة للتنديد بجرائم الاحتلال المغربي بالصحراء الغربية حسبما أفاد به مراسل وكالة الأنباء الصحراوية من عين المكان

وأفاد المصدر بان المتظاهرين الذين كانوا يرددون شعارات مطالبة بحق الشعب الصحراوي في تقرير المصير، ومنددة بانتهاكات المغرب المتكررة لحقوق الإنسان بالأراضي المحتلة والنهب الممنهج للثروات الطبيعية ، فجئوا بتدخل غير مسبوق لقوات القمع المغربية التي كانت متسلحة بالعصي والهراوات مما أسفر عن إصابة واعتقال عدد من المتظاهرين، من بينهم خمسة نشطاء من الوفد الذي قام مؤخرا بزيارة لمخيمات اللاجئين الصحراويين، ويتعلق الامر بكل من :
- الناشط الحقوقي، رئيس لجنة احترام حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية،النعمة الاسفاري( إصابة على مستوى الرأس والوجه والظهر
- الناشط الحقوقي، الكاتب العام للجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان المرتكبة من طرف الدولة المغربية، إبراهيم الصبار( إصابة على مستوى الرأس
- الناشط الحقوقي احمد السباعي، الكاتب العام لرابطة حماية السجناء الصحراويين
- الناشط الحقوقي احمد حميا، عضو لجنة مناهضة التعذيب بالداخلة المحتلة
- الناشطة الحقوقية أزانة أميدان
- المواطنة الصحراوية دكنة منت محمد فاضل ولد الحبيب جروح على مستوى الفم
- المواطنة الصحراوية مريم امغيزلات إصابة على مستوى العينين والفم
- المواطنة الصحراوية هدي منة
- المواطنة الصحراوية الذهبة العياشي

كما تم اعتقال الناشط الحقوقي، رئيس فرع الجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان المرتكبة من طرف الدولة المغربية، ببوجور المحتلة، التهليل محمد عند نقطة التفتيش والمراقبة بمدينة بوجدور.

وفي سياق متصل تمت مداهمة العديد من منازل المواطنين الصحراويين، والعبث بممتلكاتها

ولاحظ مراسل وكالة الأنباء الصحراوية بحي معطلى أن هذا الأخير لازال يعيش تحت الحصار المشدد في ظل طوق امني غير مسبوق

للاشارة فقد وصل وفد مناضلي انتفاضة الاستقلال الذي قام مؤخرا بزيارة الى المخيمات الصحراوية والأراضي المحررة من الجمهورية الصحراوية ، ليلة الاحد الى الاثنين الى مدينة العيون المحتلة بعد ان شارك في الاحتفالات المخلدة للذكرى ال 34 لإعلان الجمهورية الصحراوية ببلدة بئر لحلو والولايات الصحراوية
وقد بدا منذ يوم الاثنين بعقد سلسلة من اللقاءات لتعميم نتائج زيارته إلى مخيمات اللاجئين الصحراويين

Alquds Alarabi Magazine Article

نشطاء صحراويون يعودون الى العيون بسلام بعد رحلة الصمود والتحدي للجزائر




ابراهيم الصبار الامين العام للجمعية الصحراوية



الرباط ـ القدس العربي ـ من محمود معروف ـ عاد ناشطون صحراويون الى المغرب الاحد بعد زيارة قاموا بها لمخيمات تندوف حيث قيادة جبهة البوليزاريو، وحرصت السلطات المغربية على تجاهل هذه الزيارة والسماح لهم بالدخول دون التعرض لهم خاصة وان عودتهم تزامنت مع عقد قمة الاتحاد الاوروبي المغربي التي احتضنتها مدينة غرناطة الاسبانية واحتلت فيها قضية الصحراء الغربية حيزا هاما وربطها بمسألة حقوق الانسان.
ووصلت الدفعة الاولى من الناشطين الى مطار محمد الخامس بالدار البيضاء قبل ظهر الاحد على متن رحلة للخطوط الجوية الجزائرية، ووصلت المجموعة الثانية على متن الخطوط الملكية المغربية بعد ظهر نفس اليوم فيما وصل الجميع منتصف الليل الى مطار العيون دون ان يتعرض اي منهم الى المساءلة او التوقيف.

وقالت مصادر حقوقية لـ"القدس العربي" ان الناشطين اجروا سلسلة اتصالات هاتفية قبل مغادرتهم الطائرة تحسبا لاعتقالهم على غرار ما جرى لآخرين قاموا بزيارة مماثلة في تشرين الاول/اكتوبر الماضي واعتقلوا فور وصولهم للمطار واحيلوا للمحكمة العسكرية التي وجهت لهم تهما تتراوح عقوباتها بين الاعدام والمؤبد.

واولت جبهة البوليزاريو اهتماما ملحوظا بزيارة وفد الناشطين التي اسموها رحلة "الصمود و التحدي".

ويتكون الوفد من ابراهيم الصبارالامين العام للجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الانسان المرتكبة من طرف الدولة المغربية بالصحراء الغربية واحمد السباعي الامين العام لرابطة حماية السجناء الصحراويين والنعمة الاسفاري رئيس لجنة الدفاع عن حقوق الانسان بالصحراء الغربية وامباركة اعلينا اباعلي الامينة العامة لمنتدى مستقبل المرأة الصحراوية رفقة ابنتها العزة البالغة من العمر سنة واحدة وابراهيم الاسماعيلي رئيس منتدى حفظ الذاكرة الجماعية وازانة اميدان ناشطة مدافعة صحراوية عن حقوق الانسان وعاتيقو براي عضو لجنة العمل لمناهضة التعذيب بالداخلة وسيد احمد لمجيد رئيس لجنة دعم مخطط التسوية وحماية الثروات الطبيعية والتهليل محمد رئيس فرع الجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الانسان ببوجدورواحمد حمية موسى عضو لجنة مناهضة التعذيب بالداخلة وبنكة الشيخ كوري بوزيد عضو لجنة تجمع المدافعين الصحراويين عن حقوق الانسان.

ونظم للناشطين برنامج مكثف ومنوع يتراوح بين الثقافي والاجتماعي والاعلامي والعسكري والتقى جل قيادات جبهة البوليزاريو بالاضافة الى نشاطات اعلامية في الجزائر العاصمة.

مثل بقية المسافرين

وقالت المصادر الحقوقية لـ"القدس العربي" ان السلطات المغربية التي تواجدت بشكل ملحوظ في مطار العيون تعاملت مع الناشطين مثل بقية المسافرين القادمين، الا انها اتخذت اجراءات لتجنب تواجد حشود من مؤيدي الناشطين في المطار اثناء وصولهم.

من جهة اخرى قالت مصادر صحافية مغربية ان اشاعات سرت نهاية الاسبوع الماضي تتحدث عن افراج السلطات المغربية عن الناشطين السبعة الذين اعتقلوا في تشرين الأول/اكتوبر الماضي او من يعرفون بـ"مجموعة التامك"، الا انه تبين فيما بعد عدم صحة ما تم تداوله.

وقالت صحيفة "اخبار اليوم" انه في سياق منهج تهدئة الجبهة الحقوقية ونزع احدى اوراق الضغط القوية في يد جبهة البوليزاريو ترد اشارات عن طي ملف الناشطين السبعة الذين احيلوا على المحكمة العسكرية.

واوضحت المصادر الحقوقية ان محامي الناشطين المعتقلين محمد الصبار وهو مسؤول في هيئة حقوقية مستقلة ذات ميول يسارية اقترح على الناشطين التقدم بطلبات للحصول على السراح المؤقت على غرار ما تقدمت به الناشطة الدكجة لشكر التي اعتقلت معهم وافرج عنها في وقت سابق لاسباب صحية.

وتقول المصادر ان كلا من سالم التامك وصالح البويهي قبلا مقترح المحامي الذي وصف بانه مقترح غير رسمي الا انه يلقى قبولا لدى السلطات فيما رفضه المعتقلون الاربعة الاخرون وهم حمادي الناصري وابراهيم دحان والتروزي يحظية ورشيد الصغير ورفضوا التوقيع.

وتتحدث الاوساط الحقوقية عن رغبة السلطات المغربية في طيّ ملف هؤلاء الناشطين بالافراج المؤقت عنهم ومتابعتهم بحالة سراح مع تأجيل متواصل لجلسات المحاكمة كما طوت ملف وثائق الناشطين المؤيدين لجبهة البوليزاريو باعادة تسليمها لهم.

جواز سفر

من جهة اخرى قال الناشط الصحراوي عبد الرحمن بوكرفا ان السلطات المغربية ترفض تسليمه جواز سفره الذي سحب منه في تشرين الثاني/نوفمبر الماضي وطالب المنظمات الدولية والحقوقية بالضغط من أجل استرجاع جواز سفره.

وتسعى جبهة البوليزاريو، منذ اعتقال الناشطين السبعة وابعاد الناشطة اميناتو حيدر الى اسبانيا، لتكثيف حرب حقوق الانسان على المغرب قبيل بدء مجلس الامن الدولي مناقشته الرسمية لتطورات النزاع الصحراوي بعد سلسلة مفاوضات مباشرة وغير مباشرة بين المغرب وجبهة البوليزاريو تحت رعاية الامم المتحدة وبحضور الجزائر وموريتانيا منذ منتصف 2007 وكان اخرها في شباط/فبراير الماضي في ارمونك القريبة من نيويورك لم تحدث اختراقا في جمود عملية السلام الصحراوي.

ومارست جبهة البوليزاريو ومؤيدوها في اسبانيا خلال نهاية الاسبوع الماضي وعلى هامش قمة الاتحاد الاوروبي المغرب ضغوطا على الوفود الاوروبية للحظ مسألة حقوق الانسان في المناطق الصحراوية.

وتهدف الجبهة من خلال اثارة موضوع حقوق الانسان الى توسيع صلاحيات قوات الامم المتحدة المنتشرة بالمنطقة (المينورسو) لتشمل مراقبة حقوق الانسان وادماجها في تقرير الامين العام للامم المتحدة السنوي للمجلس وهو ما يرفضه المغرب ويعتبره مخالفاً لقرارات مجلس الامن ذات الصلة وتقليصاً لسيادته على المنطقة

معذرة إلى الشعب الصحراوي .../ سيدي علي بلعمش

معذرة إلى الشعب الصحراوي .../ سيدي علي بلعمش
05/01/2010 - 22:48
أحمد ولد داداه و مسعود ولد بلخير يسيران في مسيرة حاشدة ، خلف السالكة بنت الطائع دفاعا عن مجرمي المال العام ، ماذا بقي من الثوابت النضالية لتدافعوا عنه؟

الشيخ العافية يصرح في الداخلة، بأمر من ولد عبد العزيز، بأمور ينسى أنه هو آخر من يحق له الكلام فيها؟

برلماني آكجوجت المصطفى ولد أحمد المكي يأبى إلا أن يؤكد للشعب الموريتاني جهله بالتاريخ و الجغرافيا و يقحم نفسه في قضية لم يخلق لها ، داعيا إلى تخلي موريتانيا عن حيادها في قضية الصحراء التي يصفها كاذبا بالمغربية و تصفه صادقة بها ؟

بيرام ولد اعبيد يزبد من ناحيته مهددا بقيامة تسبق علامتها الكبرى الصغرى؟

النمة بنت مكية تنادي من تحت قبة البرلمان مطالبة بعودة المجرم معاوية ولد الطائع؟

ماذا يحدث في هذا البلد ؟

كيف تسيدت الفوضى إلى هذا الحد؟

كيف أصبحت كل هذه الأذناب رؤوسا في غفلة من الزمن؟

الجواب المخجل .. المهين هو مع الأسف أنه هكذا يحدث دائما حين تكون السلطة ضعيفة في أي بقعة من العالم.

كل التناقضات و التفاهات و النزوات و المحرمات الموريتانية تجد اليوم فرصتها في أن تطفو على السطح لغياب سلطة تستطيع استيعاب الجميع و احتواء مشاكلهم .. سلطة قادرة على حماية هيبة الدولة .. قادرة على إسكات الجميع عن الخوض في الممنوع .

يخطئ ولد عبد العزيز إذا كان يعتقد أنه يستطيع أن يجر موريتانيا إلى الحياد عن الحياد.

إذا كان على موريتانيا أن تحيد عن حيادها فلن يكون إلا إلى ما يخدم تصالحها مع ذاتها .. إلا إلى ما يخدم انسجامها مع تاريخها .. إلا إلى ما يخدم استقرارها و استمرارها و ازدهارها..

أنتم تثيرون ما كان يجب أن تتحاشوه بالضبط ، إذا كانت كل غايتكم أن تقدموا خدمة إلى المغرب؟

أما وقد قلتموها من على أعلى سقوف السلطة، فها نحن نقول لكم من قاعها أن هذا الحياد لم يعد مقبولا.. و هذا الجبن لم يعد مجديا .. و هذا الاستهتار لم يعد ممكنا.

يكفي ما ارتكبتناه من أخطاء فادحة في حق إخواننا و فلذات أكبادنا الصحراويين.

و قد آن لنا أن نكفر عن ما اغترفته أيادينا في حقهم من حماقات لا يمكن تبريرها إلا بما هو أسوأ منها.

إن الجمهورية العربية الصحراوية الديمقراطية هي عزنا و امتدادنا التاريخي و الجغرافي المتبجح الأصالة .. المتأصل التبجح .. المتداخل المصير .. المتناغم الوجدان ..

فليذهب إلى المغرب كل من يريد أن يذهب إليه لكنه لن يذهب إلا وحده و لن يجد هنا من يعاقبه أو يؤاخذه لأننا شعب حر يؤمن بحق الاختيار .. يؤمن حتى بحق الخيانة لمن جبلوا عليها.

أما وقد كشحتم عن وجوهكم الحقيقية فاشربوا من مر سوء تقديراتكم:

لا حياد بعد اليوم و "الأقربون أولى بالمعروف".

لا حياد بعد اليوم : قد آن لهذه الخيانة أن تنتهي.. لهذا الجبن أن ينتهي .. لهذا الليل الطويل الطويل أن ينجلي .

من ذا يجهل من بيننا أن الشيخ العافية كان ـ كعادته المخجلة ـ يتكلم بأوامر .. أن ولد أحمد المكي يعرف أنه يسير عكس التيار في مياه حقيقة عكرة، كان يحتاج إلى ضمانات كبيرة للمغامرة بالخوض فيها ؟

من ذا يفوته ـ من بيننا ـ أن طوفان الإعلانات و الكتابات التي اجتاحت الساحة الإعلامية حول الصحراء في الآونة الأخيرة كان المراد منها استفزازنا و تحضيرنا لهذه الطبخة الغبية التي لن ترى النور على أرضنا؟

ها أنتم اليوم جميعا تتربعون على رأس هرم السلطة : ولد عبد العزيز ، رئيس وزرائه ، رئيس مجلسه العسكري ، وزير صحته و بقية خريجي مكنس و خوارج الخيانة ، و على بعد لحظات فقط من إعلان ارتمائكم في أحضان الوطن "الغفور الرحيم" فلماذا لا تجربوا شجاعتكم و تعلنوها على الملأ لتفهموا أن تحت رماد خمول هذا الشعب جمر متقد لأمثالكم من بسطاء التواطؤ المخجل.

فمعذرة من الشعب الموريتاني الذي نمثله بالانتماء و الفطرة و الوجدان إلى إخواننا الصحراويين عن كل ما ارتكبتاه من أخطاء فادحة في حقهم .. في حق أنفسنا .. في حق الحق .

معذرة من الشعب الموريتاني الذي نمثله بالحب و الوفاء إلى إخواننا في الجمهورية العربية الصحراوية الديمقراطية عن ما ارتكبته القيادات "الموريتانية" العميلة باسمنا في حق من كانوا أولى بحبنا و وفائنا و مؤازرتنا.

معذرة من الشعب الموريتاني الذي نمثله بإرادتنا و تضحياتنا إلى الشعب الصحراوي الشقيق عن ما كنا نبرر به أخطاءنا من اعتذارات أقبح من كل ذنب.

معذرة إلى الشعب الجزائري الجسور من الشعب الموريتاني الشقيق الذي نمثله باحترامنا لثوابته و دفاعنا عن مصالحه ، عن ما كان من إساءات بالغة طيلة العقود الماضية من قبل رؤساء "موريتانيين" تعرفون جيدا أنهم لا يمثلون إلا أنفسهم و الجهات التي فرضتهم على هذا الشعب المغلوب على أمره.. عن ما جاء من إساءات بالغة للرمز العربي الكبير و الرئيس الجزائري الخالد المرحوم هواري بومدين، في مذكرات ولد داداه الكاذبة المكذوبة الكذوبة.. عن ما كان من مؤامرات على المصالح الجزائرية في موريتانيا من قبل عصابات نهب المال العام..

معذرة إلى الشعب الموريتاني الأبي عن ما كان من تقصيرنا في فضح كل ما يتربص به من مؤامرات دنيئة من قبل سلطاته الخائنة.

و أستغفر الله و أتوب إليه ، عليه توكلت و إليه أنيب.