Western Sahara Echo- L'Echo du Sahara Occidental - Sada Assahra al -Gharbiya

Interview with Christopher Ross, Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara

2012-01-27T14:43:00.000-08:00

UN envoy Christopher Ross on Western Sahara

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Your feedback | Share71

Christopher Ross, Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara

Interview with Christopher Ross, Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara

25 January 2012 – In January 2009 Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon appointed Christopher Ross as his Personal Envoy for Western Sahara, a territory that has been under dispute for several decades. Fighting erupted there in 1976 between Morocco and the Polisario Front following the Spanish colonial administration’s withdrawal. The violence quickly drove hundreds of thousands of Saharawi refugees to flee across the border and into neighbouring Algeria, where they remain to this day.
Almost two decades later, the violence has subsided but both parties are still at odds despite ongoing UN-mediated talks. While Morocco supports autonomy for the Saharawis, the Polisario Front says the territory’s final status should be decided in an independence referendum.

Mr. Ross, a former United States diplomat with a long and distinguished career, says in the interview that it is high-time to end the Western Sahara conflict and the human tragedy that it has engendered.

UN News Centre: What is the conflict in the Western Sahara all about?

Christopher Ross: Well, as you know the Western Sahara is a former Spanish colony, roughly the size of Great Britain but with a population of just a few hundred thousand. Its legal status has been in dispute since well before the Spanish withdrawal in 1975-76. The parties to this dispute currently are the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front. Morocco, which has controlled most of Western Sahara since the 1970s, insists that the Western Sahara must become an autonomous part of Morocco on the basis of negotiations with the Polisario and a yes/no referendum.

The Polisario, for its part, argues that the people of Western Sahara must be free to choose their own future through a referendum that includes the option of independence. From 1975 to 1991 there were open hostilities between these two parties, heavy fighting, but in 1991 a ceasefire was implemented as part of a UN-led settlement effort. It should be noted that while this is no longer a fighting war, it is still a tense and dangerous situation. The UN continues to work to encourage a settlement and to improve the well-being of the people whose lives have been tragically affected.
It’s not enough to keep talking on the basis of fixed positions; the solution must reflect a political will and concrete steps to move.

UN News Centre: So, what is the UN doing?

Christopher Ross: Well, since the mid-1980s the UN has taken two distinct approaches to this conflict under the guidance of the Security Council. The first, which lasted until 2004, was based on several settlement plans that were put forward to the parties for their approval. None of these settlement plans worked. They all called for a referendum but the parties were never able to agree who would be eligible to vote. In 2004, a second phase began and this phase continues to this day. This one is based on direct negotiations between the parties. In resolutions every year, the Security Council has called on the parties to achieve, and here I must quote, “a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution, which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara.” […] To assist the parties in making progress, the Secretary-General has appointed a Personal Envoy to act as a mediator and facilitator.

So, to summarize, the Security Council now expects the parties themselves to negotiate a political solution with the help of the UN, with the help of the neighbouring States, with the help of the international community and to do so instead of reacting to settlement plans others have drawn up.

In the context of this new phase, in April 2007, the two parties put forward their proposals for a settlement of the conflict to the Security Council, and ever since then these have formed the basis for discussion. I should note that these political efforts to foster a settlement are not the only forms of UN involvement. The UN family has been active on several fronts. It has provided vital support to the thousands of refugees who fled into Algeria to escape the fighting between Morocco and the Polisario in the 1970s.

Separated families meet up again during a family visit in Western Sahara. Photo: UNHCR/S.Hopper

It has worked to implement confidence-building measures to facilitate the return of the refugees once a settlement is reached. It has also maintained a small peacekeeping force in Western Sahara known as MINURSO, the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara. And, finally, it has taken an increased interest in human rights as the parties to the conflict have increasingly accused each other of serious violations of these rights.

UN News Centre: What about the human dimension to this ongoing conflict?

Christopher Ross: Unfortunately, the demands of burning issues around the world and the absence of imminent crisis in Western Sahara have worked to deprive this conflict of the attention it deserves from the international community. But a settlement is, in fact, long overdue not least because of its human dimension. Ensuring a safe return of the Sahrawi refugees in Algeria to their homes under honourable conditions has been my highest objective. I first visited the refugee camps in the 1970s. I returned there beginning in 2009 and I found, much to my dismay, little had changed.

It is unacceptable, in my view, that for 37 years, these refugees have lived in miserable conditions because of a political dispute whose main actors have engaged in endless battles on the ground, at the negotiating table, in international fora. And I think we should never lose site of the people caught in the middle of this conflict.

UN News Centre: Why is this proving so difficult to solve? Why is it taking so long?

Christopher Ross: Essentially, the two sides have maintained positions that are mutually exclusive and neither has been willing to yield one inch. Polisario continues to insist that the final status of Western Sahara must be determined by its people; Morocco continues to insist that the only possible solution is an agreed autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty.

The Security Council has been encouraging the parties to negotiate and has refrained from considering imposing a solution. So, as matters stand, each party is free to reject the proposal of the other as the basis of negotiations. And this is partly a reflection of the fact that each party is convinced that its position is well grounded in history and in international law and enjoys significant domestic and international support. So, they go on maintaining their positions without entering into a genuine negotiating process.

UN News Centre: So, what can you do as the UN mediator to move this process forward?

Christopher Ross: Well, my role as Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General is to promote a settlement by first providing a framework for dialogue and, second, by encouraging genuine negotiations without myself taking a position on the substance. I cannot force a solution on the parties; they themselves must work it out with my help and that of others.

Now, when I first took on these duties, we suspended formal negotiations that had been taking place earlier with large delegations and preferred, instead, to convene informal talks with smaller delegations. This was because the formal negotiations that had gone on had resulted in little more than very strong polemics. We were determined to foster an atmosphere of respect in which much more fluid negotiations and discussions could occur. This effort succeeded but it wasn’t enough to break the impasse. And the two parties simply could not move beyond their two proposals. So, what we have done more recently is try to break down these proposals into individual topics that the parties might be able to discuss without prejudice to whatever the final status might be and they’ve agreed that they could begin by discussing natural resources and demining and then moving on to other subjects. But it really remains to be seen whether this approach will, in fact, lead to movement on the core issue.

UN News Centre: And what will happen if a political solution isn’t found?

Christopher Ross: Well, the fact is that the absence of a solution has imposed growing risks and costs for the parties, the Maghreb region, and for the international community.

The risks for the parties include the possible renewal of military hostilities, the possible outbreak of popular unrest, and the possible recruitment of frustrated young and unemployed Sahrawis into terrorist or criminal groups. The costs include the humanitarian plight of the refugees, increasing questions about human rights, the expense of maintaining significant military forces, and an inability to plan for the use of the natural resources of Western Sahara in a proper way.

Now, for the region and the international community there is the risk of military escalation and there is the possibility of increased terrorist and criminal activity. There, too, there are costs. Among the costs are a failure to achieve the benefits of greater economic integration and the absence of full coordination in responding to threats of terrorism and crime which, in fact, have grown since the collapse of the [Muammar] al-Qadhafi regime and the dispersal of arms and fighters into the Sahel region.

Map of Western Sahara. Please click for a larger more detailed version. Credit: UN Cartographic Section

UN News Centre: Do you think a settlement can be reached?

Christopher Ross: Well, there are some people who think that the Western Sahara conflict really is not ripe for settlement on terms acceptable to the parties and to the international community. But it’s clear that a settlement is needed if the Maghreb region is to move forward to meet the challenges of the 21st century. Now, it’s possible that recent developments may encourage the parties to begin a more serious process of negotiation. We’ve had the Arab Spring. We’ve had increasing signs of disaffection among youth. We’ve had recent and forthcoming elections in several places. We’ve had a desire to revive movement toward Maghreb unity. And we’ve seen a growing awareness of the threat of terrorism. So, these and other developments may push the parties to substantive engagement and may also prompt the key regional and international players to become more active in the search for a settlement.

We, for our part, are going to continue our efforts to promote a genuine negotiating process. And the next round of informal talks is scheduled for February at the Greentree Estate in Long Island.

UN News Centre: Is there anything the international community can do to help out?

Christopher Ross: Well, indeed. I think there are things to be said not only to the parties but to the countries in the neighbourhood and to the international community. For the parties, we hope to see a much greater engagement on the core issue of the future status of Western Sahara in the course of the coming year. It’s not enough to keep talking on the basis of fixed positions; the solution must reflect a political will and concrete steps to move. We also hope that the people of Western Sahara, whether they be in the territory or in the refugee camps, will enjoy full human rights, including the freedom to express their views on their future and that the negotiators will take these views into account.

For the States of the Maghreb and the wider international community, we hope that they will see more clearly than ever the benefits for all parties concerned of actively helping to find a mutually acceptable solution.

After 37 years, it’s high-time to end the Western Sahara conflict and the human tragedy that it has engendered.

Moroccan authorities behind the destruction of mores than 40 wodden cabins In amigriou Area belonging to Saharawi Natives.

2011-12-07T01:34:00.000-08:00

أحتج عشرات المواطنين الصحراويين أمام مقر عمالة الطرفاية ،وذالك بعد أن قامت السلطات المحلية بهدم عشرات لبراريك يوم الثلاثاء 16 نوفبمر مساءا في منطقة جنوب قرية الصيد انكيرو 8 كلم ،ويبلغ عدد لبراريك التي تم هدمها 40 براكة تعود ملكيتها لمواطنين صحراويين منذو العهد الإسباني ،،وكان المواطنين الصحراويين قد تفاجئوا بهذا الإجراء الذي قامت بيه السلطات دون سابق إنذار ،فيما لم تتخذ السلطات أي إجراء ضد براريك أخري قريبة من نفس المكان تعود ملكيتها لمواطنين منحدرين من الشمال ،
وإحتجاجا على هذا الإجراء نظم المتضررين العديد من وقفة أم عمالة الطرفاية محتجين على الإجراءات العنصرية ومصادرة الحقوق التي يقودها رئيس دائرة الطرفاية وقائد الدرك ،حيث جوبهوا بالتهديد المباشر من طرف عشرات رجال السلطة الذي حاصروا الوقفة ،
يؤكد بعض المحتجين أن هذا الإجراء الذي قامت بيه السلطات مرتبط بوجود شركات للتنقيب عن النفط في تلك المنطقة ، فيما يؤكد أخرين وجود محاولة من السلطات إلي بيع هذه الأراضي لجهات أجنبية تحاول إستغلال هذه المنطقة في مشاريع سياحية على حساب السكان الأصليين.

يذكر أنه بعد تهديم لبراريك وصلت قوات من الجيش وصادرت أوراق سيارات المحتجين وأتهموا المحتجين بمحاولة إنشاء ظروف تكوين مخيم أكديم إزيك 2 ،وإلي حدود الساعة ترفض السلطات فتح حوار مع المحتجين بدون حجة واضحة

وصية المعتقلين السياسيين في سحن سلا المغربية

2011-11-30T06:28:00.000-08:00

لا تصالح
عندما يملأ الحق قلبك
لا تصالح ولو قيل ما قيل من كلمات السلام
لا تصالح وأرو قبلك بالدم
و أرو التراب المقدس
و أرو أسلافك الراقدين
إلى أن ترد عليك العظام
شعبنا الباسل, أمهاتنا الطاهرات, أبنائنا الشامخين, أخواتنا العفيفات, إخواننا الأمجاد رفاقنا الضراغم
سلام عليكم جميعا, نكتب لكم وصيتنا هاته ونحن على مشارف الشهادة في يومنا 30 من معركة الكرامة والشرف لنقول لكم :
أمهاتنا الطاهرات هذه قبلة حب أبدية نطبعها على جباهكم المرفوعة دهرا تمتزج بدمعة شوق وحنين ذرفتها العين في لحظة احتضار تختزلان كل المساحات والأزمنة من أجل البوح بمشاعر استحالت أمواج عاتية تتلاطم على شاطئ القلب لتنثر رذاذ عطر منبعث من ذكريات خالدة نعيد شريط وقائعها فتستوقفنا فيه تضحياتكم الجسام من أجلنا بسهركم وصبركم وتجلدكم, تحملتن الألم من أجل الأمل الذي عقدتموه فينا كنتن تفرحن عندما نفرح وتمرضن لحظة مرضنا أرضعتمونا حتى ارتوين واحتضنتمونا بدفء رائع, كانت أحشائكم المدرسة الأولى التي تلقينا أبجديات الثورة وحروف الوطن ومعاني النيل و التضحية والاستبسال عانيتن وبمرارة و أنتن تنتظرون لساعات وأيام طوال أمام المخافر و المعتقلات. أنها تضحيات استثنائية تفوق طاقة البشر ونحن نستحضرها الآن تجتاحنا أحاسيس عارمة تمزق الفؤاد لوعة وحنينا وتعصف بالكيان والوجدان وأمام هذا الحمل الثقيل الذي يلزمنا انطلاقا من وازع فطري ووجداني وأخلاقي يرد الجميل و الضيع, هنا نحن أمهاتنا الغاليات نفي بعهدنا لكن وللشهداء ونختار الموت البطيء ولكن بشرف وعز وتحدي وكبرياء الألم لتنتشوا بزغرودة نصر تطلقونها مخترقة لعنان السماء من أجل تمتيعكم بوضع اعتباري ومكانة رمزية كأمهات شهداء, فجزاكم الله عنا خيرا وصبرا صبرا موعدنا الجن إنشاء الله أبائنا الشامخين شموخ جبال هذا الوطن و المبجلين بتاج الهبة والوقار ونحن أبنائكم البررة الراسخون ثباتا وإباء من قلب الأقبية و السجون ونخط لكم من على فراش الموت ونحن نحتضر كلماتنا الأخيرة بمداد دم تأريخا للذكرى و حفظا للتاريخ لننحني باعتزاز وشموخ إجلالا لهاماتكم السابحة في بحور المجد... أنتم المدرسة والملهم أنتم ركام التجارب والقدوة والمعلم الذي يلقننا دروس الثورة وتعاليم المقاومة أنتم من قال لنا لا تصالح ولو منحوك الذهب أنتم من أخبرنا أن للحرية الحمراء باب بكل يد مدرجة تدق وأن ولائنا أولا وأخيرا يجب أن يكون للوطن و للوطن وحده, سرنا على نهجكم السديد وخطكم الثوري الملتزم نرجى إلى شمس ساطعة إلى غد قادم بزحف فيه الأخضر على بيادر القحط والبأس غد تزحف فيه الحرية على قلاع القهر و الاستعمار.
ووفاءنا لعهدكم وإنصافا لتضحياتكم كابدنا وقاسينا وعانينا جبروت العدو وسيادته بأنفة وإباء لنجسد واقعيا وميدانيا تعاقب الأجيال في أرقى صوره ولنكمل حلمكم المشروع وتطلعكم التاريخي نحو الإنعتاق لم نجد ما نتوج به هذه المسيرة الحافلة سوى أن نسترخص أنفسنا قرابين على مذبح الحرية شهداء عند ربنا نحسب فهنيئا لنا بكم وهنيئا لكم بنا وعوضكم الله وجزاكم عنا خيرا وصبر وصبر ميعادنا الجنة إنشاء الله.
إخواتنا العفيفات, إخواننا الأماجد
لا تصالح على الدم ... حتى الدم
لا تصالح ولو قيل رأس برأس
أكل الرؤوس سواء؟.
أقلب الغريب كقلب أخيك..؟. أعيناه عينا أخيك و هل تساوي يد سيفها كان لك... بيد سيفها أثكلك أمه قانون المراق هدار يرسم جغرافيا القهر الممتد على طول خارطة الوطن الجريح إنها تعاويذ البقاء الأبدي يرتلها الجسد المنهك النحيل وقلب يتراقص ألما على ‘إيقاع نغماته الأخيرة في سباق العمر... قبل الرحيل إلى جنان الخلد... أنها وصية تحوي في طياتها عهدا يحب الوفاء ودربا تلزمه الاستمرارية وثأرا مشتعلا في الأضلع ووطنا يسكن فينا سنين عجاف من العبودية و الاحتلال, هذا ميثاق بيننا وبينكم فصنوه و أحملوه دمعة من أعينكم لا تذرف إلا يوم يرفرف العلم الوطني خفاقا في فعيوننا الحبيبة حرة ومستقلة فلا مجال للبكاء الاتشاح بالسواد فالموت شرف هو مدعاة للفخر واستنهاض للهمم وحشدنا لمسايرة مسيرة التحرر الوطني والرقي بها تجربة عالمية فريدة تستلهم منها باقي الشعوب عبر التضحية والفداء فاجعلوها براكين وحمما تشهد على إندحار أخر جندي غازي لأرضنا العزيزة.
لا تصالح
فليس سوء أن تريد.
أنت فارس هذا الزمان الوحيد
وسواك... الممسوخ
شعبنا الباسل.
في هذا الزمن الردى حين يصبح الموت من مفردات الحياة تتكالب قوى الظلم و الطغيان على شعب أعزل إلى من إرادته فتنصب المشانق وتقيم حفلات القصاص الظالم, لكل صوت يسبح ضد التيار المتجبر إنها تراجيديا مظلمة ومأساة مفجعة, لكن بقدرة قادر وبتضحية مضحي وبدم شهيد وألم جريح ودموع ...
تتساقط أوراق التوت تباعا ليتعرى وجه النمر الورقي القبيح ويصبر الصوت السابح إعصارا مدمر يقض مضاجع الاحتلال ويزلزلها وتصبح حتمية النصر أمرا معاشا وواقع لا يمكن تجازوه تأطره معطيات الميدان, أي الانتفاضة كصيغة نضالية مفتوحة في بعدها الجماهيري الزاخر بالنضج والعطاء لتتوالى قوافل الشهداء و المعتقلين و المخطوفين و الجرحى و المعطوبين وتندلع في الأفق تباشير الحرية مع بزوغ كل فجر وتلوح أشعة الاستقلال تتربع في كبد السماء, وإيمانا منا أن البطولة تقتضي أن نمد أجسادنا جسورا, فقل لرفقائنا أن يعبروا, وهنا نحن اليوم شعبنا الأصيل نروي تراب الصحراء الطاهرة بدماء زكية ونصرخ ملء حناجرنا بكل عنفوان ثوري لنقول لا في وجه من قال نعم, لا للذل لا للخضوع لا للخنوع ونكتب لا بالدم و الروح ليشهد التاريخ على برنا بالوطن هذه هي فلسفة الكفاح الوطني وقوامه ننشد من خلالها الخلود وأملنا الالتحاق بركب الخالدين شهداء الوطن وهدفنا من وراء هذه التضحية أن نكون وقودا يشعل نارا حارقة تأتي على أخضر العدو ويابسه دعما لكل الآمال ولا تنتظر جزاءا ولا شكورا فهذا واجب وطني يمليه علينا ضمير متقد وحي ولكن ما ننتظر منكم ونوصيكم به نوجزه في هذه الأبيات الناطقة بلسان حالنا في ساعات الاحتضار هاته :
أيها الواقفون على حافة المذبحة
أشهروا الأسلحة
سقط الموت وانفرط القلب كالمسبحة
الدم انساب فوق الوشاح
المنازل أضرحة...الزنازين أضرحة...المدى أضرحة...
فارفعوا الأسلحة و أتبعوني
أنا ندم الغد و البارحة
رايتي عظمتان و جمجمة
وشعاري الصباح

المعتقلين السياسيين الصحراويين
مجموعة أكديم إزيك المضربين عن الطعام
بسجن سلا2
29 نوفمبر2011

A documentary Film on the history of the conflict

2011-10-04T07:49:00.000-07:00

فيلم صحراوي ًالمصيرً للمخرج بادي عبد ربو from saharaoccidental on Vimeo.

Western Sahara: Keeping the Status Quo

2011-10-04T04:40:00.001-07:00

Western Sahara: Keeping the Status Quo
October 1, 2011 9:30 amadmin0 Comments

Resolution 1979 (2011) regarding the Western Sahara

Since December 2010, the so-called international community watches, unmoved, by the popular uprisings that have taken place in the Arab world. In the midst of a global economic crisis, these uprisings – hitherto unimaginable and unimagined – are the result of the desperation of societies in the face of entrenched corruption and the authoritarianism of regimes founded on oligarchies that seized power during their independence. Nevertheless, the revolutionary outbreak owes, without doubt, its rapid local and regional propagation to the expansion of communication amongst the youth (via Internet networks), which breaks the iron silence of information upon which such regimes were founded. The first achievement of this “Arab Spring” was the deposition of Ben Ali in Tunis. The trigger of his demise was the self-immolation of a young man haunted by his own future and the constant arrogance and humiliation of the regime.

However, the first warning signs of this tide of demonstrations took place in early October 2010, several thousand kilometres from the Mediterranean, in the extreme South-western point of the Arab world, in El-Aaiun – the capital of Western Sahara. Prohibited from demonstrating peacefully in the city streets, thousands of Sahrawis, dodging Moroccan occupation forces, pitched their tents in Gdeim Yzik – the middle of the desert – and protested for their lack of work and housing, and demanding their rights to sovereignty over the natural resources of their territory.

The Moroccan monarchy, overwhelmed by the magnitude of the events and the deterioration of its international image, reacted, making use of what has become a classic formula: first, expulsion of the international press to avoid uncomfortable testimonials, followed by the assault on and destruction of the encampment on November 8, 2011, followed by the detention, and disappearance of opposition leaders without due process. But this time, some members of the Moroccan Security Forces died along with protesters.

The young Sahrawis who lived in the zone of Western Sahara that is occupied by the Moroccans – desperate after waiting for a referendum allowing them to freely choose their future for more than 35 years – had lost the fear to die and faced the occupier, brandishing kitchen knives.[1] Meanwhile, in the Algerian refugee camps, the Polisario Front[2] (the Sahrawi Liberation Movement) had to calm its own, also desperate group that threatened to break the ceasefire and intervene on behalf of their brothers.

The Polisario – another oligarchy in power since the foundation of the Movement in 1972 – preferred to offer a new opportunity in the framework of negotiations established by the United Nations. They hoped that their gesture of good faith would be rewarded at the next Security Council resolution which reviews the conflict annually and would include the protection of human rights desired by MINURSO[3] – the sole UN peace mission without competencies in human rights.

Recall that Western Sahara is, according to the UN, “a non-autonomous territory,” that is to say, a colonial territory still awaiting decolonisation. In October 1975, the International Tribunal in The Hague rejected any and all sovereign rights of Morocco and Mauritania over the territory.[4] However, Spain – the administrative legal power – just a few days later, signed a treaty[5] with Morocco and Mauritania ceding administration and thus abandoning its responsibilities. Those agreements were never endorsed by the General Assembly and thus lack all legal effect at the international level. Confirmed by a UN legal report in 2002,[6] Morocco and Mauritania became the occupying powers of the Western Sahara in 1976 with the consent of Spain since it was the previous administrating power.

The war that ensued between the occupiers and the Polisario Front initially led to the defeat of Mauritania in 1979, which abandoned the territory. The conflict passed, then, to a war of attrition in the desert that Morocco – mainly with the help of France (Morocco’s former colonial metropolis and trading partner) – managed to hold on to Sahrawi cities in order to build a defensive wall protecting nearly 80% of the territory. In 1991, the exhausted parties agreed to commence negotiations to observe the due referendum of self-determination. But Morocco challenged the census prepared for this very purpose in 1999 by MINURSO. From this moment on, conversations have continued without any concrete progress towards the achievement of “a just and sustainable, mutually acceptable, political solution,” which would allow for the self-determination of the Sahrawi peoples in accordance with the UN Charter.

Human Rights – On Standby

Paradoxically, this stalemate of the negotiations has run in parallel to the emergence of human rights groups in Western Sahara cities, which denounce the grave human rights violations committed by the Moroccan Occupation Forces. The activities of these organizations have been harshly repressed by Morocco, to the point that in November 2009, the internationally-renowned Sahrawi defender of human rights Aminatu Haidar[7] was expelled from the territory. Haidar was able to return only after a long and painful hunger strike and effective pressure from the United States. [8]

Despite the ever-decreasing situation and Moroccan repression, the last resolutions in 2009 and 2010 of the Security Council regarding the territory have ignored the necessity to protect Sahrawi human rights. Instead, these resolutions have merely confirmed the importance of progressing in the “human dimensions” of the conflict, as if an analogy exists between the Sahrawi conflict and Europe during the Cold War.[9] Therefore, after the events of the Gdeim Yzik protest encampment, the new Security Council resolution regarding Western Sahara was expected with much anticipation.

The new resolution 1979/2011, like the previous resolutions, was pre-planned by France and Spain, as well as negotiated by the United States, to be finally adopted by the Security Council on April 27, 2011. Its content proves highly disappointing: the resolution does not amplify the MINURSO mandate to the supervision and monitoring of Sahrawis’ human rights. The resolution goes so far as to make an unsubstantiated claim to justify a concern for the human rights’ conditions as serious in the zone occupied by Morocco, as in the Algerian refugee camps where the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has an ample presence.

To guarantee the future amelioration of human rights for Sahrawis, the Security Council declares that the Resolution and the Security Council will welcome the establishment of a National Council for Human Rights by Morocco, complete with a special chamber dedicated to Western Sahara. This new institution merely renames the pre-existing and inefficient Advisory Council on Human Rights[10] created in 1990. The Resolution therefore does no more than implicitly recognize the competence of a public Moroccan institution in a territory outside of its sovereignty, subject to a still pending decolonisation process sponsored by the UN.

Moreover, the Resolution contains an irrelevant reference to the commitment of Morocco to ensure unconditional access – free of conditions and obstacles – to all the Special Procedures of the UN Advisory Council on Human Rights. This organ is not an objective nor independent institution, but rather it is of a political and inter-governmental nature, having been formed by the representatives of 47 states – including France and Spain – whose governments are characterised by minimal sensitivity to human rights violations of the Sahrawis, in addition to other states characterised by indifference towards human rights, such as China, Cuba, or Saudi Arabia. In this sense, it suffices to recall the Universal Periodic Review, to which Morocco was subject in 2008 by the UN Advisory Council on Human Rights, whose final report[11] solely recognised progress without once mentioning the dire situation, which already existed, in the occupied territory of Western Sahara.

Endorsing the Moroccan Monarchy

The icing on the cake of this Resolution is that – as a solution – it endorses the application of a refugee protection programme developed by the UNHCR in coordination with the Polisario Front. This programme, led by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), includes capacity-building and awareness-raising activities on human rights. However, and despite these initiatives, the Resolution does not require a similar and indispensable programme for the authorities and Moroccan Occupation Forces present in Western Sahara. Morocco is not part of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, nor of the Optional Protocol of the International Convention Against Torture, nor of the International Convention Against the Forced Disappearance of Persons. Morocco is supposed to respect the 1949 Geneva Conventions on International Human Rights, which requires occupying powers to respect the rights of the occupied.

Currently, the Security Council, with all its cynicism and the likely worsening of the situation, recently requested that the Secretary-General inform the Council regularly – “at least twice per annum” – of the progress in negotiations between parties. As pre-established by the OHCHR,[12] almost all the human rights violations committed in the occupied zone are consequence of the lack of application of the fundamental right to free self-determination of the Sahrawi people. What underlies this decision – just as in all the Security Council interventions on this issue since 1991 – is the clear intention to protect the stability of the Moroccan Monarchy, considered by the United States since its independence in 1956, as an essential ally against Communism previously and currently against fundamentalist Islam.

Nevertheless, this blind protectionism concerned with the abuses of a dictatorship is no way to guarantee for local or regional stability, but rather the complete opposite, as demonstrated by the fall of Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt, as well as the mass protests in Syria, Jordan, Algeria, and of course Morocco. Since February 20, 2011, every month we have witnessed daily protests in major Moroccan cities calling for democracy and an end to the abuses of corruption. Mohammed VI and his entourage, pressured by their French partners, have not gone beyond a mere cosmetic reform of the system. The new constitution,[13] which just barely and superficially cut the king’s absolute powers, was approved in a recent referendum – as in previous elections. Barely 30% of the voting-age population participated due to abstention from leftists and fundamentalists, who are surprisingly united in all the claims of the “Arab Spring”.[14]

The Moroccan monarchy’s anecdotal reformism and the blind protection of the Security Council appear to move in the same direction: in the face of new challenges, and using the words of the Prince of Lampedusa in The Leopard, change so that nothing changes. Introducing a standard for democracy in institutions and speaking of human rights in resolutions regarding Western Sahara are always desirable – if, and only if, the effective control of the king and his political-economic-military entourage over Morocco and the Sahrawi territory and natural resources is not threatened. However, in both scenarios, the prudish and short-term strategy may soon be over-taken by events. The Arab people are taking their destiny into their own hands in opposition to the special interests of their oligarchies and the reductionist interests of the great powers.

Eduardo Trillo de Martín-Pinillos is associate professor at UNED in Public International Law, and a consultant for international organizations in human rights and democracy.

Alan Gignoux is a British photographer: www.gignouxphotos.com

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] Report from the Moroccan Association for Human Rights on 24 December 2010.

[2] Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguía el Hamra y Río de Oro.

[3] United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara, MINURSO.

[4] Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice on the Western Sahara, 16 October 1975.

[5] “Madrid Agreement,” 20 October 1975.

[6] UN Doc. S/2002/161.

[7] Human Rights Prize of the Robert F. Kennedy Foundation 2008 – Civil Courage Prize, Train Foundation, 2009.

[8] Eduardo Soto-Trillo, Viaje al abandono, Aguilar, 2011.

[9] The term “human dimension” was first used within the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe in Helsinki, 1975 to introduce human rights issues in the conversations. This was reflected in the final act of the conference.

[10] See Amnesty International annual reports, “Alliance for Dignity and Freedom,” Human Rights Watch, and the Moroccan Association for Human Rights, among others.

[11] A/HRC/8/22.

[12] Confidential report of the OHCHR, November 2006, the conclusions of which were, a posteriori, confirmed by a Human Rights Watch report in December 2008.

[13] Bernabé López García, “Marruecos. Cien Días para una nueva Constitución unanimidad para la galería y una”, Real Instituto Elcano, June 2011.

[14] Said Kirlhani, “Marruecos, la nueva constitución marroquí y el referéndum del 1 de julio”, Análisis del observatorio electoral TEIM, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, August 2011.

2011: the year of Facebook revolutions … some forgotten and ignored

2011-10-04T04:33:00.000-07:00

The occupation of Wall Street began in the deserts of Western Sahara and this weekend it will spread to our Australian cities.

In El-Ayoun, Moroccan controlled Western Sahara, in the Gdeim Izik refugee tent camp, a demonstration was set up by Saharawis as a form of protest in October-November 2010.

Western Sahara has been occupied illegally by Morocco since 1975. The situation is similar to Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor.

The attack on Gdeim Izik
The UN is responsible for organizing a referendum, although Morocco has succeeded in derailing its implementation.

France, the US and the international community have also looked the other way.

The Moroccan government’s response to the Gdeim Izik refugee camp was swift and brutal.

While Polisario, the Western Sahara liberation movement, claimed that 36 Saharawis were killed, hundreds wounded and 163 arrested, the Moroccan government argued that only 2 demonstrators but 11 Moroccan security forces had been killed.

The only filmed representation of this occupation exists on Youtube.

The first shot of the Arab Spring
According to Noam Chomsky the Arab Spring began not in Tunisia but in Western Sahara at Gdeim Izik.

Kamal Fadel, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Front representative in Australia, argues that there were no journalists in the protest camp. The revolution wasn’t tweeted, says Fadel.

One week ago, on September 25, a peaceful Sahrawi demonstration followed violent and fatal football clashes between Saharawis and Moroccan settlers.

The demonstration was violently repressed by the Moroccan authorities and another Sahrawi was killed. In both Gdeim Izik and Dahkla, we can only try to reconstruct what happened through eyewitness testimonies and online media.

The Facebook revolution you haven’t heard of
Exiled human rights activist Aicha Dahane, who toured Australia earlier this year, has stated that because of extreme repression, the only media platform available to the Saharawis is online and Youtube and Facebook are the most popular.

And while there has been a Facebook Revolution in Western Sahara, as I argue here, it has been largely forgotten.

Gdeim Izik and Wall Street; Western Sahara and the Arab Spring: the relationship between events is beginning to resemble online mirror sites.

When the Wikileaks site was hacked late last year many others stepped up and reproduced the information trail endlessly by introducing their own sites. If 2011 is the year of revolutions the connections are often new, unexpected and exciting.

Dahane also spoke about the solidarity and sharing of food and possessions that was emblematic of the Gdeim Izik tent camp.

When the Net goes down
It reminded me of Ahdif Soueif’s introduction to the little gem of a book Tweets From Tahrir from cutting edge publisher OR books:

“Tahrir was a space of unity, pride, resistance, celebration, laughter, sharing, and most importantly ownership. This was the people’s space; our rules and our demands. We would not leave until justice was born.”

When the internet was blocked in Egypt social media was forced to take a back-seat. The action was now on the streets.

It was no longer simply viral. People could meet face-to-face while before they shielded themselves behind the internet screen. This is the place where Facebook becomes redundant.

From Harvard to the Sahara to the White House
While Facebook was founded in the mainstream American college circuit nobody could have predicted its radical role in Western Sahara and Egypt. If we trace the life cycle of Facebook we can say that it is now all grown up.

It’s now tired of the all night decadent parties as epitomised in the myth-making film The Social Network. It now wants to get political; or at least, organize its staff to do so.

Following on from the example of Google it now plans to encourage its employees to donate to a political action committee.

Facebook’s political action committee “will give our employees a way to make their voice heard in the political process by supporting candidates who share our goals of promoting the value of innovation to our economy while giving people the power to share and make the world more open and connected.”

Facebook is functioning like any other corporation in Washington, employing its own lobbyists to promote what Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman call spin and flak, one of the filters used by the corporate media and its lobbyists to manufacture consent in industrialised societies.

Who needs who?
Openness, in Facebook’s definition, is a form of spin and a not too unsophisticated means of getting one’s own way.

The Occupy Wall Street movement is one of the most recent sustained challenges to corporate greed and unbridled corporate influence, including media monopolies.

“We come to you at a time when corporations, which place profit over people, self-interest over justice, and oppression over equality, run our governments,” argues the Declaration of the Occupation of New York City.

One of the current great ironies is that the Wall Street occupiers need Facebook as an information tool now more than Facebook, with its corporate lobbyists, needs them.

And when, like the Egyptian protesters in Tahrir Square, the Occupy Wall Street movement is consolidated on the streets Facebook could find it has become the corporate target

Another Saharawi Victim falls down in Dakhla: A New Martyr

2011-09-26T10:19:00.000-07:00

الذى استشهد يوم 26-09-2011
اثناء المواجهات و الاحداث التى شهدتها مدينة الداخلة المحتلة على اثر الهجوم الذى قامت به الاجهزة الامنية المغربية مدعومة بالمستوطنين ضد المواطنين الصحراويين العزل
اسم الشهيد
ميشان ولد محمد لمين ولد لحبيب ابوه معروف باسم باريز
اسم الام عيشة منت احميادة
تاريخ الازدياد 1982 بمخيمات العزة والكرامة

Coming Crisis in Phosphate Supplies

2011-07-22T02:41:00.001-07:00

Coming Crisis in Phosphate Supplies
Written by David Gabel
Wednesday, 20 July 2011 12:22

Message :Investors: Free Oil Industry Investment Report - Our Fracking industry guide shows you the strategies that will enable you to generate excellent returns in what will be one of the most profitable sectors of the energy industry. Click here for your Free report.
Phosphate is a mineral that is used in fertilizer to boost agricultural productivity. It is greatly responsible for the "green" revolution and the increased output of farms around the world. Unfortunately, the world will be coming to a point, if certain trends hold, where we will run out of phosphate. The mineral is widely used, but utterly unrecycled. Like fossil fuels, phosphate may come to a point where it is too costly to use, and world hunger may be the consequence.
Phosphate is an inorganic chemical mined from the earth. It typically consists of one phosphorus atom surrounded by oxygen atoms. The addition of phosphates can have a huge impact to an ecosystem. Like water and air, it is literally essential to life on Earth. On cropland, it can greatly boost yields. However, from there it usually drains into waterways. In freshwater and marine environments, it acts as a limiting nutrient, often causing eutrophication (oxygen deprived water).
The largest reserve of phosphate rock can be found in the country of Western Sahara, just south of Morocco. Once a Spanish colony, it is now controlled by Morocco. One of the reasons the Moroccans are so interested is thought to be the vast phosphate reserves. The mines are at Bou Craa which produces several million tons of phosphate rock each year. It gets transferred down a huge 150-kilometer long conveyor belt to the Atlantic port of El Ayoun.
Farmers around the world use about 170 million tons of phosphate every year to keep their soils fertile. One ton of phosphate is typically used for every 130 tons of grain. Fifteen percent of all phosphate comes from Western Sahara and Morocco. The other big producers are the US and China which each use up their own. This makes Western Sahara and Morocco the biggest players in the international phosphate trade. The biggest nations which rely on this trade are India and Brazil which may be starving otherwise.
According to the US Geological Survey, the world has 65 billion tons of known phosphate reserves, but only 16 billion tons that are economically viable to mine. Almost 80 percent are found in Western Sahara and Morocco. The US, with only 1.4 billion tons, may run out soon, causing alarm among agronomists. Academic researcher, Dana Cordell, of the Global Phosphorus Research Initiative, has predicted that we could reach "peak phosphorus" production by 2030.
There are no substitutes for phosphate. On the other hand, the other vital nutrient for plants, nitrogen, can be found from a number of sources. It can be fixed from the atmosphere thanks to German chemist Fritz Haber. Phosphate cannot be fixed from anything. It must be mined and the mines are going to run out. Unless a solution can be found, the long term consequences may be lower yield crops and a hungrier world.
By. David Gabel
Source: Environmental News Network
http://oilprice.com/Metals/Commodities/The-Coming-Crisis-in-Phosphate-Supplies.html

Mariem Hassan on TV Link

2011-06-17T12:17:00.000-07:00

Patricia habla saharaui

2011-06-10T19:40:00.000-07:00

The Theft of Western Sahara

2011-05-30T03:14:00.000-07:00

The theft of Western Sahara

Author: David Cronin
29 May 2011 - Issue : 937

Sahrawi women refugees chant slogans during Mohamed Abdelaziz' speech at a forum at the Echorouk Newspaper in Algiers, Algeria, on 10 November 2010. The President of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic and leader of the Polisario, Mohamed Abdelaziz, said during his visit to the paper, that dozens of civilians perished after the Moroccan security forces dismantled tents of the 'Gdaim Izik' camp that was the site of an anti government protest near Al Ayun city, according to Abdelaziz hundreds are either wounded or lost. |EPA/MOHAMED MESSARA When and where did the “Arab Spring” begin? Most observers of the tyrant-toppling uprisings would probably agree they kicked off after the Tunisian street vendor Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in December last year. Not for the first time, Noam Chomsky has highlighted an omission from the conventional discourse. The wave of protests really started a month earlier in Western Sahara, Chomsky has argued.
On 7 November, Moroccan forces occupying that territory destroyed tents set up by the indigenous Sahrawi people near the town of Laayoune, leading to a series of confrontations. Testimonies gathered by Amnesty International indicate that the tactics used in the operation were extremely aggressive, with elderly women beaten with batons. Amnesty says the tents were erected to highlight the Sahrawis’ “perceived marginalisation and a lack of jobs and adequate housing”. The word “perceived” is unnecessary, I believe. The marginalisation of the Sahrawis is a proven fact; we seldom see anything about Western Sahara – a former Spanish colony invaded by Morocco in 1975 - in our newspapers or on our TV screens.

Rather than imposing sanctions against Morocco over its acts of brutality in November, the European Union has effectively tightened its embrace of the Rabat authorities. Although a four-year fisheries agreement between the EU and Morocco expired in February this year, both sides have decided to extend it for a further twelve months.

As EU representatives are constantly harping on about how much they cherish democratic values, the least we should be able to expect is that they would have published the information at their disposal about the agreement’s effects. Yet an evaluation of the agreement conducted at the European Commission’s request remains confidential.

Luckily, I have managed to have a peek at this report – drawn up by the French consultancy firm Océanic Developpement and dated December 2010. It concludes that the agreement with Morocco brings “the least favourable returns to the European taxpayers that we can find” in any of the fisheries agreements the EU has signed with countries beyond its borders.

Under the terms of the accord, the EU gives Morocco 36 million euros per annum. For every euro invested by the Union, the turnover generated is only 83 cents, the consultants calculate. In the 2007-2009 period, EU vessels availing of the agreement caught an average of 44,000 tonnes per year. With demand for fish in the Union reaching about 13 million tonnes per year, the agreement was making only a tiny contribution towards satisfying the requirements of Europe’s markets, Oceanic added.

More disturbingly, the consultants found that the agreement is having adverse ecological consequences. Trawlers are capturing demersal species – living near the bottom of the sea – that are already overexploited, while the capture of sharks in European nets runs contrary to the Union’s own policies on conserving endangered species. European vessels have targeted sharks in the same way as the industrial boats in the Moroccan fleet. Three large Portuguese vessels have been responsible for 70% of all sharks captured (more than 450 tonnes), according to the evaluation.

It’s not surprising that powerful figures in the EU bureaucracy want this evaluation kept secret. By extending the agreement, the Union has ignored advice that it spent good money to obtain.

This is part of a wider pattern. The agreement enabled European vessels to fish in the waters surrounding Western Sahara, on the condition that their activities brought tangible benefits to the Sahrawis. In an opinion made public during 2010, lawyers advising the European Parliament found there was no evidence that the Sahrawis had been aided in any way due to the accord’s implementation. Unless an “amicable settlement” could be found, European boats should be forbidden from entering a 200 nautical mile zone off Western Sahara, the lawyers recommended.

When I interviewed Maria Damanaki, the EU fisheries commissioner, in the autumn last year, she expressed sympathy with that legal opinion. Damanaki said she was “not persuaded” that the agreement was in the Sahrawis’ interests. Despite the clarity of her views, the European Commission still went ahead and clinched a deal with Morocco to prolong the agreement. Damanaki was clearly overruled by others in the EU executive. Can it be a coincidence that the Commission is headed by José Manuel Barroso of Portugal and that several Portuguese vessels are doing nicely from the arrangements?

Mindful of a looming presidential election, Nicolas Sarkozy has lately been promoting himself as an unflagging defender of North Africa’s downtrodden. Yet Francesco Bastagli, a former United Nations envoy to Western Sahara, has hinted there might be more than a whiff of hypocrisy emanating from the French president. “France is so unquestioning in its support of Morocco as to block even a reference to Sahrawi human rights in Security Council resolutions,” Bastagli wrote in a 2010 piece for The New Republic.

A report published in April this year by the New York City Bar Association says that if Morocco is receiving money from the EU for fishing off Western Sahara, without giving any to the Sahrawis, then it is violating international law. The same report highlighted how Irish and British companies are involved in exploration for oil and gas off Western Sahara. If they move from exploration to extraction, then their activities would be “unlawful”, the bar association concluded.

The resources of Western Sahara do not belong to Europe. So why are a few European fishing and energy firms allowed to steal them?

Read more: The theft of Western Sahara - New Europe http://www.neurope.eu/articles/The-theft-of-Western-Sahara-/106679.php#ixzz1NkmvlecK

SOLIDARITY SIT IN IN FRONT THE AMRTYR SAID DAMBAR'S HOUSE 05/19/2011

2011-05-19T18:41:00.001-07:00

شهد منزل عائلة الشهيد سعيد سيد أحمد عبد الوهاب دمبر اليوم الخميس الموافق للتاسع عشر من ماي تنظيم وقفة سلمية للمطالبة بالكشف عن ظروف و ملابسات مقتل الشهيد سعيد دمبر برصاص شرطي مغربي أواخر شهر ديسمبر من العام الماضي شارك فيها عدد من المكونات و الإطارات الوطنية بالإضافة لعشرات المواطنين الصحراويين الذين قدموا للمشاركة تعبيرا منهم عن دعمهم المتواصل و اللا مشروط للعائلة و ما إن بدأت الجماهير الصحراوية ترديد الشعارات حتى تفاجئ بجحافل من قوات القمع المغربية تهاجمهم بمختلف أجهزتها من قوات مساعدة و عناصر الشرطة و الاستخبارات بزيها العسكري و المدني و التي كانت قد حاصرت كل الطرق المؤدية إلى منزل العائلة بحي الحشيشة بالقرب من مسجد أنس بن مالك مانعة العديد من المواطنين الصحراويين من الالتحاق بالمنزل و يتعلق الأمر بكل من:

_حمدي لمغيمض

_محمد صالح الزروالي

_الشريف الكوري

_سعيد لبيهات

_عليين التوبالي

هذه القوات التي بادرت بالهجوم على المتظاهرين الصحراويين العزل و بوحشية مفرطة مخلفة عديد الضحايا في صفوف المدنيين الصحراويين العزل و قد كان من بين الضحايا بعض من أفراد عائلة الشهيد سعيد دمبر و قد بلغت حصيلة الضحايا أزيد من عشرين ضحية من المتظاهرين الصحراويين العزل غالبيتهم من النسوة الذين نذكر منهم:

_خيرة أحمد مبارك المصابة على مستوى الرأس و الجبين

_الوالي دمبر مصاب على مستوى الرجل اليمنى

_مريم دمبر المصابة في أنحاء متفرقة من جسدها

_أم لخوت السعيدي اصابة على مستوى الأنف

_ ميمونة مسكة المصابة على مستوى الرجل

_عبد الرحمان لمرابط اصيب على مستوى الرأس

_النيهة لعبيد اصابة على مستوى الظهر

_كجمولة اسماعيلي اصيبت على مستوى الرأس

_اخويتة سيد امو اصيبت على مستوى اليد

_الطفل القاصر سيد أحمد الوالي عياش المصاب في أنحاء متفرقة من الجسم

_الطفل القاصر ليمام زديدات مصاب على مستوى الرجل

_حمدي الفيلالي مصاب على مستوى الرأس

_حميداها النومرية مصابة على مستوى الرجل

_فاطمة عمار مصابة على مستوى الرجل

_عبد الله السباعي مصاب على مستوى الأضلاع

_ازانة لمعمري مصابة على مستوى الثدي

_مريم البورحيمي مصابة على مستوى الأرجل

_الحافظ التوبالي مصاب في أنحاء مختلفة من الجسم

_حمدي لمغيمض على مستوى اليد

سلطات القمع المغربية لم تكتفي بهذا الحد و واصلت حصار المواطنين الصحراويين داخل المنزل باستخدام الرشق بالحجارة لمدة تجاوزت الخمس ساعات تقريبا قررت معها الجماهير و اللجنة المنظمة الاستمرار في شكلها النضالي المتمثل في مهرجان خطابي داخل المنزل على الرغم من الرشق المتواصل للحجارة الذي كانت تقوم به في محاولة منها قمع و فرملة نضال الشعب الصحراوي و بذلك تكون سلطات إدارة الاحتلال قد برهنت للعالم بأنها لم تغير من أسلوبها في التعامل مع ملف حقوق الإنسان خاصة عندما يتعلق الأمر بالمناطق المحتلة من الصحراء الغربية التي تزداد وثيرة الانتهاكات بها خاصة بعد لائحة قرار مجلس الأمن الأخير.

MEP slams Commission's handling of Morocco deal

2011-04-14T01:17:00.000-07:00

MEP slams Commission's handling of Morocco deal

14.04.2011 / 05:19 CET

Carl Haglund says Commission's handling lacked transparency.

A leading MEP has criticised the European Commission's management of the controversial fisheries deal between the European Union and Morocco.

The European Parliament is to vote on the recent Commission decision to extend ‘a fish for finance' deal with Morocco by one year. The original agreement, which was reached in 2007, has long been the target of campaigners and lawyers who say that it tramples on the rights of people living in the disputed Western Sahara territory. It has also come under attack from some MEPs for bolstering the “illegal” occupation of Western Sahara.

Lack of transparency
Carl Haglund, a Finnish Liberal MEP and a vice-chair of the Parliament's fisheries committee, who is drafting the Parliament's report on the deal, has now hit out at the procedural aspects. “The Commission has handled this extremely badly,” he said: it was slow and the process was lacking in transparency.

According to Haglund, the Commission has still not submitted the necessary referral to Parliament, and a key report analysing the current agreement is available only in French, and has not been made public.

This was “one of the worst examples” of its kind since the Lisbon treaty came into force, Haglund said. The new treaty empowers the Parliament to block international agreements. But the delays in transmitting documents mean that the Parliament's fisheries committee is unlikely to vote on the extension until late May, with a Parliamentary vote in June or July – four or five months into the life of the one-year extension.

Haglund said that he had “not made up his mind” about the merits of the fisheries agreement itself. His report would, he said, assess the use of EU taxpayers' money, how the deal had benefited EU fishing crews, the people of Morocco and the disputed Western Sahara territory, as well as the impact on fish stocks. But he noted that “a vast majority of fish stocks in this region are overfished or close to the limit of overfishing”.

A Commission spokesman declined to comment on the specifics of Haglund's critique, but said: “It is the Parliament's full right and duty to signal to the Commission and to the member states what it wants to happen to this protocol

البوليزاريو رفضت تسلم المساعدات وتبرعت بها للشعب الليبي.

2011-03-24T05:28:00.000-07:00

البوليزاريو رفضت تسلم المساعدات وتبرعت بها للشعب الليبي.
الأمم المتحدة تشتري شحنة زيوت غذائية بمليوني دولار من المغرب وتوجهها للصحراويين كمساعدات إنسانية ؟ البوليزاريو رفضت تسلم المساعدات وتبرعت بها للشعب الليبي. القضية كشفت تورّط الأمم المتحدة في فضائح فساد مالي مع النظام المغربي.
شهد ميناء وهران قبل أيام، فضيحة دولية مدوية، أطرافها برنامج الغذاء العالمي التابع إلى الأمم المتحدة، إلى جانب الحكومة المغربية، بعدما جرى اكتشاف وصول كميات كبيرة من شحنة زيوت غذائية قادمة من المغرب، موجهة إلى الشعب الصحراوي، على أنّها مساعدات إنسانية.

وحسب مصدر مطلع؛ فإنّ شحنة المساعدات التي تمثلت في 24 حاوية معبأة بعلب كبيرة تحتوي على 462 طن من زيت المائدة، كان مقرّرا أن يتسلمها الهلال الأحمر الصّحراوي لتوزيعها فيما بعد على مخيمات اللاجئين الصحراويين.

لكن سرعان ما اكتشف الصحراويون فور شروعهم في تسلم شحنات الزيت بعد شحنها، أن المساعدات المخصّصة للصحراويين مصدرها المغرب، الذي تبيّن أنّه قام ببيع تلك الشحنات للأمم المتحدة، على أن تقوم هذه الأخيرة بمنحها كمساعدات للاجئين الصحراويين، في إطار برنامج الغذاء العالمي.

وتظهر صور وشريط فيديو للمساعدات الإنسانية تحصلت ''النهار'' على نسخ منها؛ أنّ قارورات زيت المائدة كانت تحمل على غلافها شعار برنامج الغذاء العالمي باللونين الأزرق والأبيض، غير أنّها حملت أيضا شعار آخر تمثل في عبارة ''منتوج مغربي''، وهو ما دفع المستفيدين من المساعدات، إلى رفض تسلمها واعتبارها راجعة إلى أصحابها.

وأفادت مصادر مطلعة على الموضوع لـ''النهار''؛ أنه بعد رفض الهلال الأحمر الصحراوي تسلم شحنة ''المساعدات''، جرى الإتفاق بين السلطات الصحراوية ومسؤولين أمميين، على منحها لفائدة الشعب الليبي، حيث تقرّر نقل الشحنة بمساعدة شركة ''ميرسك'' للنقل البحري إلى ميناء بنغازي، على أن توزع هناك على الأشقاء الليبيين. ولفتت نفس المصادر؛ إلى أنّ قضية ''المساعدات الإنسانية''، ورغم التوصل إلى حل بشأنها، من خلال تحويلها إلى ليبيا، إلاّ أنّ كافة خيوطها لم تُحل بعد، حيث أشارت مصادر ''النهار'' إلى أنّه بالنظر إلى القيمة المالية لشحنة الزيوت والمقدرة بحوالي مليوني دولار، دفعتها الأمم المتحدة للمغرب، فإنّ قضية أخرى تطفو على السطح وتتمثل في قضايا الصفقات التجارية التي تجريها الأمم المتحدة، مضيفة أنّ إقدام مسؤولين أمميين على شراء منتجات غذائية من دولة احتلال، لتوجيهها كمساعدات لشعب دولة أخرى محتلة من طرف الأولى، لم يكن ليحدث لولا وجود صفقات تمت ''تحت الطاولة''، مشيرة في نفس الوقت، إلى وجوب التحقيق في إمكانية تقاضي مسؤولين أمميين عمولات ورشاوي من نظام المخزن المغربي، مقابل شراء مواد غذائية من ''الجلاد وتقديمها إلى ضحاياه كمساعدات''.

القنصل الصحراوي بوهران:''نموت جوعا ولا نقبل مساعدات المخزن المغربي''.
قال القنصل الصحراوي بوهران، سعيد فيلالي، بشأن فضيحة ''المساعدات الإنسانية'' القادمة من المغرب، أن السلطات الصحراوية، أبلغت مصالح الأمم المتحدة برفض تسلم شحنة المساعدات الإنسانية، معتبرا القيام بتوجيه مواد غذائية مصدرها المغرب لفائدة الصحراويين، سلوك يتعارض مع مبادئ العمل الإنساني ويخرق كل المقاييس الأخلاقية، قبل أن يشدّد على أنّ الشعب الصحراوي يرفض تسلم مثل تلك المساعدات، كونها قادمة من دولة تحتل أراضيه وتمارس القمع والتقتيل في حقه، مضيفا أن الصحراويين يفضلون الموت جوعا، على أن يقبلوا التقوّت من مساعدات يقدمها جلادوهم، ليردف بالقول أن الصحراويين لا يثقون البتة في النظام المغربي، وبالتالي فإنّهم لا يثقون أيضا في كل ما يأتي من جانبه، حتى ولو كان كمساعدات. وطالب القنصل الصحراوي القائمين على برنامج الغذاء العالمي، التابع إلى الأمم المتحدة، مراعاة مشاعر الشعب الصحراوي في عملياتهم الإنسانية المخصصة لفائدة الصحراويين والحرص على أمنهم، مضيفا أنّ مسؤولي المنظّمة الأممية تفهموا الوضع، ليتقرر توجيه تلك المساعدات إلى بلد آخر، بدون تسميته.
المصدر : النهار أون لاين.

Le Maroc est aussi une dictature | Patrick Lagacé | Patrick Lagacé

2011-01-27T10:00:00.000-08:00

Le Maroc est aussi une dictature | Patrick Lagacé | Patrick Lagacé

www.cyberpresse.ca

Ce qui est formidable, avec la révolution tunisienne, c'est de voir tout le monde se distancer du régime dictatorial de Ben Ali, qui, hier encore, ne dérangeait à...

Le Maroc est aussi une dictature
Ce qui est formidable, avec la révolution tunisienne, c'est de voir tout le monde se distancer du régime dictatorial de Ben Ali, qui, hier encore, ne dérangeait à peu près personne. Ce qui est formidable, c'est d'entendre tous ces gens chanter les vertus de la démocratie, vertus qu'ils passaient sous silence quand ils composaient avec la dictature.

Dans la catégorie «Déclarations stupides, année 2011», la ministre des Affaires étrangères de la France, Michèle Alliot-Marie, a une sérieuse option sur le titre. Pendant les révoltes, elle a offert au régime dictatorial le savoir-faire français en matière de contrôle des foules!

C'est une énormité, bien sûr. Mais c'est une énormité qui trahit un état d'esprit, quand même.

Toujours en France, Frédéric Mitterrand, ministre de la Culture. Il s'est fendu d'une lettre aux Tunisiens, une fois le dictateur Ben Ali caché en Arabie Saoudite, pour exprimer ses «regrets» à l'égard de sa «complaisance» envers le régime.

Dans les années 90, M. Mitterrand a organisé l'Année de la Tunisie en France, ce qui lui a valu la nationalité tunisienne en reconnaissance de ses efforts. Dans les années 90, la Tunisie était-elle un État policier qui emprisonnait des journalistes, étouffait l'opposition et torturait ses prisonniers? Oui. Mais Frédéric Mitterrand ne voyait rien de mal, à l'époque, à être honoré de la citoyenneté tunisienne.

Aujourd'hui, il se défend ainsi:»Comme beaucoup d'autres, (j'ai essayé) de privilégier le dialogue avec les autorités et souvent en allant jusqu'aux limites de ce qui était acceptable», a-t-il écrit dans sa lettre aux Tunisiens.

Ah, le dialogue! Le fameux «dialogue» avec les dictatures! Pendant qu'on se demandait si des proches de Ben Ali, qui ont apparemment pillé la Tunisie, avaient trouvé refuge à Montréal, il y avait dans le New York Times une belle photo de Barack Obama avec Hu Jiantao, président de la République populaire de Chine. Le président des États-Unis d'Amérique, Prix Nobel de la paix 2009, était tout sourire à côté de celui qui a emprisonné le Prix Nobel de la paix 2010, Lu Xiaobo. Je me demande si Barack Obama a eu un dialogue sur les droits de l'homme avec son banquier chinois.

C'est drôle de voir à quel point certaines dictatures nous sont intolérables - l'Iran, Cuba, la Birmanie, le Zimbabwe, l'Afghanistan, l'Irak - alors que nous ménageons les susceptibilités d'autres dictatures dont l'amitié va dans le sens de nos intérêts: Pakistan, Arabie Saoudite, Maroc, Tunisie pré-2011, Chine, Égypte...

Cette timidité des démocraties vis-à-vis des dictatures n'est pas anecdotique. C'est le fruit d'une tendance lourde, note Human Rights Watch dans son rapport annuel 2010: «Au lieu de s'engager à exercer des pressions publiques pour défendre les droits humains, ils préfèrent adopter une démarche plus indulgente s'appuyant par exemple sur un 'dialogue' privé ou une 'coopération'«.

Vous savez peut-être que Stephen Harper s'est envolé hier pour coprésider une commission de l'ONU sur la santé des mères et des enfants. Sur le chemin du retour, il va faire un arrêt à Rabat, au Maroc, tout près de la Tunisie nouvellement «libérée». But de l'escale: astiquer les relations bilatérales et favoriser les échanges commerciaux.

Je sais, je sais: chaque année, des hordes de Québécois visitent le Maroc et en reviennent aussi bronzés qu'émerveillés. Mais le Maroc est une dictature. Une monarchie dictatoriale. Ce n'est pas l'Allemagne de l'Est ou l'URSS, mais c'est un pays où les dissidents sont harcelés, où les prisonniers politiques sont torturés, où la police est politique.

Au Maroc, le journalisme indépendant est dominé par le pouvoir, qui peut fermer des journaux pour différents délits, comme la critique frontale du dictateur, le roi Mohammed VI. Tenez, un journaliste, Driss Chahtane, a été emprisonné en 2009 pour avoir publié de l'information sur la santé du dictateur. On l'a emprisonné pour avoir publié ces «fausses» informations «de mauvaise foi».

Heureusement pour M. Chahtane, le dictateur royal l'a gracié après six mois de prison. Le chanceux!

Notre premier ministre va donc faire une escale au Maroc, où on lui parlera sans doute de l'importance des clémentines dans les épiceries du Québec. On peut toujours rêver mais, dans la foulée de la splendide révolution tunisienne, ce serait bien que Stephen Harper sermonne un peu, publiquement, le régime policier du Maroc.

J'ai dit: on peut toujours rêver. Dans les faits, probablement que Stephen Harper, comme tous les autres chefs de gouvernement de l'Occident, parlera de la démocratie marocaine le jour improbable où le dictateur marocain sera dans un avion, vers un exil doré en Arabie Saoudite, autre dictature chouchou de l'Occident.

http://www.cyberpresse.ca/chroniqueurs/patrick-lagace/201101/26/01-4363734-le-maroc-est-aussi-une-dictature.php?utm_categorieinterne=trafficdrivers&utm_contenuinterne=cyberpresse_B40_chroniqueurs_373561_accueil_POS2

Harper sur un terrain glissant au Maroc
Harper sur un terrain glissant au Maroc | Politique canadienne

www.cyberpresse.ca

Après un passage éclair en Suisse, où il a coprésidé une réunion de la commission sur la santé maternelle et infantile de l'ONU, Stephen Harper est arrivé au...

Stephen Harper aux côtés de son homologue marocain Abbas el Fassi à son arrivée à Rabat. Photo: Reuters

La Presse Canadienne
Rabat

Après un passage éclair en Suisse, où il a coprésidé une réunion de la commission sur la santé maternelle et infantile de l'ONU, Stephen Harper est arrivé au Maroc mercredi soir, où sa visite officielle de courtoisie pourrait s'avérer plus périlleuse.

Le premier ministre avait ajouté cette escale d'un jour à son voyage - une journée qui pourrait s'avérer plus difficile que prévu étant donné le contexte dans lequel elle survient.

Quatre personnes se sont immolées par le feu la semaine dernière au Maroc dans la foulée de la révolution populaire en Tunisie qui a chassé le président Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali du pouvoir au début janvier. Depuis, la monarchie marocaine a tenté de calmer le jeu en augmentant les subventions alimentaires.

Lorsqu'on a demandé à M. Harper s'il soutenait les manifestations démocratiques, il a répondu prudemment que son gouvernement a «toujours défendu les valeurs fondamentales de liberté, de démocratie, des droits de la personne et de la primauté du droit». Il n'a pas voulu en dire plus au cours de cette conférence de presse tenue à Genève, avant son départ pour le Maroc.

À Rabat, le premier ministre a été accueilli sur le tarmac de l'aéroport par le premier ministre nommé par le roi Mohammed VI.

La raison exacte de cette visite est difficile à établir clairement. Les échanges bilatéraux entre le Canada et l'État du Maghreb représentent environ 500 millions $ par année, ce qui est peu.

Les représentants de M. Harper ont fait valoir qu'une importante diaspora marocaine se trouve au Canada, et tout particulièrement au Québec, la province où la plupart des quelque 100 000 Canadiens d'origine marocaine ont fait leur nid.

THE RFK CENTER FINDS EVIDENCE OF ESCALATING ABUSE, TORTURE, AND ARBITRARY IMPRISONMENT IN WESTERN SAHARA

2011-01-21T15:46:00.000-08:00

HE RFK CENTER FINDS EVIDENCE OF ESCALATING ABUSE, TORTURE, AND ARBITRARY IMPRISONMENT IN WESTERN SAHARA
1/19/2011
[View]
WASHINGTON (January 18, 2011) – Torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, failure to follow criminal procedures, and repression of civilians by Moroccan government forces are all too common in Western Sahara, according to the findings of a recent visit to El Aaiun by the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights.

Western Sahara human rights leader Aminatou Haidar, recipient of the 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award, hosted the staff delegation from January 11 to 14 to examine human rights violations allegedly committed by Moroccan security forces against Sahrawis. The delegation included RFK Center Executive Director Lynn Delaney, Director of the Center for Human Rights Monika Kalra Varma, and Advocacy Officer Mary Beth Gallagher. Although the delegation’s ability to work or move freely was not impeded, the staff was under constant surveillance by both uniformed and undercover police.

Indications of repression, limitations on freedom of expression, and economic and social marginalization of Sahrawis, as well as state-sponsored violence, are emblematic of the human rights situation there. This context, in concert with the violence that broke out on November 8, 2010, when Moroccan security forces dismantled a camp set up by residents of Western Sahara to protest social and economic discrimination, reinforces the need for impartial international human rights monitoring. The RFK Center strongly condemns the violence committed on both sides surrounding the dismantling of the protest camps in November.

The RFK Center mission met with more than two dozen victims of abuse, torture, and imprisonment and their families during the trip, in addition to Moroccan government officials and representatives of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). “Human rights abuses have been ongoing, and the spike in violence resulting from the dismantling of the Gdyam Izik camp is alarming,” said Varma. “There are overwhelming indications of abuse, harassment, or torture both before and after the violence, and Aminatou Haidar and her fellow human rights defenders work at great personal risk in these conditions.”

“The fact that there is no international human rights monitoring mechanism as the situation worsens in Western Sahara is unacceptable,” stated Varma. The RFK Center has long called on the United Nations Security Council to add a human rights component to MINURSO to monitor the human rights situation in Western Sahara and the camps in Tindouf, Algeria.

“I hope that after the visit of the RFK Center to Western Sahara, the delegation will be able to shine a spotlight on the alarming human rights situation in the territory of Western Sahara, which is under Moroccan control,” said Haidar. “Strong support from the United States and the international community is needed to end the suffering of the Sahrawi people.”

The RFK Center will be issuing a report detailing its findings in the near future.

Aminatou Haidar, 2008 RFK Human Rights Award Laureate
Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights engages in long-term partnerships with RFK Human Rights Award Laureates to support sustainable social justice movements. As one of Western Sahara’s most prominent human rights defenders, and president of the Collectif des defenseurs saharaouis des droits de l'homme (CODESA), Aminatou Haidar promotes the civil, political, social, cultural, and economic rights of the people of Western Sahara, including the rights to freedom of speech and association and to self-determination. Ms. Haidar works through non-violent means to organize peaceful demonstrations to denounce the human rights abuses perpetrated by the Moroccan government. Despite years of illegal imprisonment, torture, and abuse under Moroccan authorities, Ms. Haidar continues to encourage Sahrawis to seek, through non-violent means, the realization of their fundamental human rights.

For journalists to arrange an interview, please contact:

Josh Karlen, Director of Communications
RFK Center
karlen@rfkcenter.org
917-671-6803

UNTV interview with POLISARIO REP. BOUKHARI AHMED

2010-12-23T09:15:00.000-08:00

Watch more on diplomaticallyincorrect.org

Sahara occidental : la France contre les droits de l'homme ?

2010-12-22T10:14:00.001-08:00

http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2010/12/22/sahara-occidental-la-france-contre-les-droits-de-l-homme_1456151_3232.html

Sahara occidental : la France contre les droits de l'homme ?
Le Monde, 22.12.2010

Les événements qui ont embrasé El-Ayoun, la capitale du Sahara occidental, le 8 novembre, devraient convaincre la diplomatie française de changer de cap sur un dossier peu connu, mais qui embarrasse jusqu'aux plus aguerris de ses diplomates. Depuis plusieurs années, à l'abri des portes closes du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, la France use du pouvoir de dissuasion que lui confère son droit de veto pour tenir les Nations unies à l'écart des questions touchant au respect des droits de l'homme dans le territoire annexé par son allié marocain en 1975.

Faute d'un mandat approprié, la mission de l'ONU au Sahara Occidental (Minurso) est restée aveugle tout au long des événements qui ont opposé le mois dernier les forces de l'ordre marocaines aux militants sahraouis – les troubles les plus graves depuis le cessez-le-feu de 1991. Le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, en charge de la paix internationale, s'est vu dans l'incapacité de faire la part des choses entre le mouvement indépendantiste du Front Polisario, qui a dénoncé sans preuve le massacre de 36 manifestants pacifiques, et le Maroc qui prétendait, sans plus de crédibilité, libérer les milliers de civils sahraouis soi-disant retenus en otage par des " criminels " dans un camp érigé en signe de protestation à proximité de El-Ayoun.

Si ces événements s'étaient déroulés en République démocratique du Congo, en Haïti ou au Soudan, des experts en droits de l'homme de l'ONU auraient immédiatement été dépêchés sur place pour établir une version objective des événements et informer le Conseil de sécurité, contribuant ainsi à apaiser les tensions. La présence d'observateurs de l'ONU aurait aussi pu s'avérer dissuasive pour les forces de sécurité marocaines qui ont à plusieurs reprises, selon notre enquête, passé à tabac des personnes arrêtées à la suite des troubles.

Toutes les missions de maintien de la paix de l'ONU établies depuis 1991 disposent de ces mécanismes, qui reposent sur le constat que toute paix durable s'appuie sur le respect des droits de l'homme. Partout ailleurs, du Darfour au Timor Leste, en passant par le Kosovo, la France soutient pleinement l'intégration croissante des questions touchant aux droits de l'homme dans les missions de l'ONU. Il n'y a que sur le dossier sahraoui que Paris s'arc-boute, persistant à défendre une anomalie historique.

Cette obstination française a un coût. L'ambassadeur de France à l'ONU, Gérard Araud, l'a appris à ses dépens, le 30 avril dernier, lorsqu'il a dû faire face aux pays du Conseil de sécurité tels que le Royaume-Uni, l'Autriche, l'Ouganda, le Nigeria ou le Mexique, qui sont favorables à un élargissement du mandat de la Minurso aux questions de droits de l'homme. A quelques heures de l'expiration du mandat de la mission de l'ONU, selon plusieurs témoins, le ton est monté.

Comment la France, qui se prétend le berceau des droits de l'homme, pouvait-elle s'opposer à toute mention des droits de l'homme dans la résolution, a demandé un ambassadeur occidental ? Son homologue chinois, un rien ironique, s'est réjoui de constater que Paris partageait désormais les réserves de Pékin sur tout débat des droits de l'homme au Conseil de sécurité. Après une vive réponse de l'ambassadeur français, suivie d'excuses toutes diplomatiques, la France a obtenu gain de cause, non tant par la force de ses arguments que par celle de son droit de veto.

Les diplomates français se défendent en affirmant que la question des droits de l'homme est devenue un chiffon rouge pour le Maroc, qui y voit une ruse du Polisario et de son soutien officiel algérien, pour embarrasser le Royaume chérifien. A en croire Paris, cette question est une diversion, qui ne fait que braquer Rabat, sans faire avancer les pourparlers entre les deux camps, par ailleurs enlisés depuis des années.

Mais au lieu de s'aligner sur Rabat, la France devrait convaincre le Maroc qu'il a tout à gagner à améliorer les conditions dans lesquelles vivent les Sahraouis sous son contrôle, souvent muselés et harcelés par les forces de l'ordre marocaines lorsqu'ils osent se prononcer pour l'indépendance. Les observateurs onusiens seraient aussi d'un grand secours pour les réfugiés sahraouis qui vivent près de Tindouf, en Algérie, dans des camps où le Front Polisario règne en maître et intimide ceux qui soutiennent le plan d'autonomie marocain – une situation mainte fois dénoncée par Rabat.

Le renouvellement du mandat de la Minurso, en avril 2011, offre à la diplomatie française une chance de corriger la situation. Il est temps que Paris reconnaisse que, sans un strict respect des droits des Sahraouis, garanti par l'ONU, les deux camps continueront à se livrer à des campagnes de désinformation qui ne font que compliquer les efforts du Conseil de sécurité en faveur d'une solution politique.

Philippe Bolopion, directeur ONU de Human Rights Watch

WikiLeaks documents support Polisario’s goal of self-determination : By Dr. Suzanne Scholte

2010-12-21T09:43:00.000-08:00

At a time when tensions between the Polisario and Morocco in their fight over Western Sahara, Africa’s last colony, are at the highest point since the 1991 ceasefire, WikiLeaks documents have enhanced the cause of the Polisario by revealing that the supporters of the Polisario are the good guys in this fight.

One of the difficulties the Polisario has had to overcome is a well-financed Moroccan lobby that spends millions of dollars annually to obscure the facts in this conflict. Ten lobbying firms are currently registered to do King Mohamed VI’s bidding and spread outright lies and distortions about the Sahrawi refugee camps near Tindouf, Algeria, where 165,000 Sahrawis live, having fled when Morocco invaded Western Sahara in 1975; about the motivation of Algeria in giving them refuge; and about the nature of the Sahrawi Republic itself — a democratic, pro-Western exile government recognized by over eighty nations as the legitimate government of Western Sahara.

The Polisario, formed by the Sahrawis in 1973 as a liberation movement against their Spanish colonizers, is now dedicated to one goal: ensuring the Sahrawis get their vote on self-determination, first called for by the United Nations in 1966, promised by Spain, reaffirmed by the International Court of Justice in 1975, and promised by the United Nations in 1991 as part of the ceasefire between Morocco and the Polisario. Among the outlandish claims that the Kingdom of Morocco and those on the King’s payroll are spreading: the Polisario is holding the Sahrawi refugees against their will in these camps; the Polisario is involved in illegal activities from human trafficking to terrorism; the Polisario is restricting access to the camps; and the camps are a breeding ground for al Qaeda.

The truth is that the Polisario long for visitors to the refugee camps, and there are regular visitors from Spain as well as a constant UN presence. I have personally organized delegations of Americans to visit the camps, and this Christmas thousands of Spanish citizens will travel there to celebrate this holy Christian day with their Muslim friends.

Not only do the Polisario welcome visitors, but their embrace of Western ideals including religious freedom and women’s equality, their intolerance of extremism, and their severe punishments for traffickers and anyone associated with terrorism have caused Islamic extremists to label the Sahrawi as “too close to the West and not pious enough.”

U.S. Ambassador–at-Large for Counterterrorism Daniel Benjamin affirmed there are no links between al Qaeda and the Western Sahara in a press conference last month.

Morocco has also tried to cast suspicion on the motivations of Algeria. Algeria saved thousands of Sahrawi women and children by allowing them to enter Algeria when the Moroccan air force was dropping napalm and phosphorus on them as they were fleeing from the invading Moroccan army. Today, Algeria allows the Sahrawis to govern and oversee their refugee camps, which are located in northwest Algeria, without interference. When former Secretary of State James Baker served as UN Special Envoy on Western Sahara, he attempted to spur a settlement by offering Algeria part of Western Sahara, believing the Algerians would sell out their friends for a land route to the Atlantic. The Algerians were offended that such an offer would even be made. WikiLeaks has revealed the consistency of Algeria’s position. WikiLeaks has also revealed that Algeria’s support of the Polisario is based on principle. Algeria has no interest in stealing the Sahrawis’ land, as Morocco has done, and only wants the people of Western Sahara to have the opportunity to exercise their fundamental right to self-determination, as Algeria President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has strongly argued to U.S. officials.

Read more: http://dailycaller.com/2010/12/20/wikileaks-documents-support-polisarios-goal-of-self-determination/#ixzz18ll7oob0

So much for human rights

2010-12-15T07:13:00.001-08:00

http://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2010/12/13/jeremy-harding/so-much-for-human-rights/

So much for human rights

Jeremy Harding 13 December 2010

Tags: western sahara | wikileaks

Two things we can learn about Morocco’s illegal occupation of Western Sahara from the US embassy in Rabat, courtesy of WikiLeaks: 1) it’s a source of personal revenue for Moroccan army officers but 2) everything’s fine really.

Western Sahara used to be a Spanish possession, which Madrid was due to hand over to the indigenous population in 1975. King Hassan II of Morocco took advantage of the chaos in Spain at the time of Franco’s death and annexed the territory. The UN deplored the move; the Polisario Front embarked on a liberation war, which resulted in stalemate and a ceasefire in 1989. By this time Morocco controlled most of the territory and was pouring in settlers to outnumber indigenous Sahrawis.

Under UN auspices, both parties – the kingdom of Morocco and Polisario – agreed to a referendum on independence. Twenty years later, the vote is a lost hope: the Moroccans have driven it into the ground with Byzantine objections, year on year. The UN mission has been sidelined; the settler colonial project continues; there are hundreds of thousands of refugees in Algeria and a population inside the territory that’s punished when it calls for independence.

These are trifling matters for Ambassador Thomas T. Riley, filing from Rabat in 2008. What counts is America’s ‘robust military relationship’ with Morocco, confirmed by ‘the purchase of sophisticated weapons from the US to include 24 F-16s this year’. The regime, Riley announces,

has also increased its activities under a partnership arrangement with the Utah National Guard, which regularly deploys to Morocco to conduct joint training and humanitarian relief operations.

Even so, he’s disturbed by corruption in the Moroccan army (total numbers 218,000; between ‘50 and 70 per cent… preoccupied with operations in the Western Sahara region’). Riley cites Lieutenant Geneneral Abdelaziz Bennani, commander of the Southern Section – i.e. the annexed territory. Apparently, Bennani has used his position to

skim money from military contracts and influence business decisions. A widely believed rumour has it that he owns large parts of the fisheries in Western Sahara… There are even reports of students at Morocco’s military academy paying money… to obtain positions in lucrative military postings.

Top of the list: Western Sahara.

Riley walked into a top job at Savvis, the communications company, after the Republicans lost the White House. Move on to summer 2009: another pair of hands is at the laptop in Rabat – the chargé d’affaires, Robert P. Jackson – pounding out a dispatch he’s pleased to call ‘Western Sahara Realities’. He repeats Riley’s estimate – about 150,000 Moroccan soldiers are deployed in Western Sahara – and says, correctly, that there are now 385,000 people living in the annexed area. (Only a marginal ‘liberated’ strip of desert is still controlled by Polisario, and the ceasefire has held.)

Jackson is also right that settlers from Morocco now account for ‘well over half’ that figure. Here is a territory, then, whose indigenous population is only slightly larger than the number of soldiers deployed by Rabat: the ratio is close to one on one. If this isn’t repression, what is it? Mentoring, possibly? Is the army holding door-to-door seminars on Mormon genealogy with assistance from the Utah National Guard? Yet Jackson says that ‘respect for human rights in the territory has greatly improved’. He admits that indigenous people aren’t allowed to advocate independence: perhaps human rights for Sahrawis is like animal rights for foxes – go to ground and hope someone’s speaking out on your behalf. Only it won’t be Jackson, who’s now ambassador to Cameroon.

Eight weeks ago near Layoune, the capital of Western Sahara, a camp set up by Sahrawis to protest against the Moroccan occupation was brought under military siege and in November it was broken up; 60 people were injured and the usual round of detentions followed. So much for human rights.

There are even more worrying passages about the nature of the conflict in Jackson’s cable. He wonders why Polisario (which operates a ‘Cuba-like system’ in his view) has never claimed areas of Morocco proper, Mauritania or Algeria, where large numbers of Sahrawis can be found, as part of the independent state they seek. He takes this to signify the absence of ‘a larger nationalism’, from which it follows that the dispute must be narrowly territorial – an expression of older border tensions between Morocco and Algeria, with Polisario acting as an Algerian stooge.

Well yes, it is about territory, but only inasmuch as the decolonisation of Spanish Sahara should have conferred a right to independence. The ethnicity of its inhabitants, or others outside the borders, has nothing to do with it. Whatever Algeria’s role in this conflict, Polisario could never have compromised its aims by challenging the OAU on the inviolability of colonial boundaries and hoping for a ‘larger’, expanded Western Sahara. Had it done so, the International Court of Justice would not have advised in its favour, the UN would not have called for a referendum on independence, and the notional government of what is now Africa’s only colonised territory (the SADR) would not be a member of the African Union or be recognised by 81 states

But there you have it: a chargé d’affaires in Rabat snorts dismissively at the independence movement because it’s played by the book. Morocco, by contrast, violates sovereign boundaries, tramples Sahrawi aspirations, stuffs its annexed land with soldiers and settlers, and gets two dozen fighter aircraft for its pains

Resolution on economic and other activities which affect the interests of the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories

2010-12-15T07:11:00.001-08:00

Resolution on economic and other activities which affect the interests of the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories

The General Assembly adopted a resolution on economic and other activities which affect the interests of the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories by which the Assembly reaffirmed the right of peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories to self-determination in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, as well as their right to enjoy and dispose of their natural resources in their best interest.

Also according to the text, the Assembly called once again on all Governments that had not yet done so to take legislative, administrative or other measures to put an end to enterprises in the Territories — undertaken by those Governments’ nationals or corporate bodies under their jurisdiction — that were detrimental to the interests of the inhabitants. It called upon the administrating Powers to ensure that the exploitation of the marine and other natural resources in the Non-Self-Governing Territories under their administration were not in violation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and did not adversely affect the interests of the peoples of those Territories. The text was aproved by a recorded vote:

The Vote

The resolution on economic and other activities which affect the interests of the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories was adopted by a recorded vote of 173 in favour to 2 against, with 2 abstentions,

Against: Israel, United States.

Abstain: France, United Kingdom.

http://overseasreview.blogspot.com/2010/12/un-general-assembly-approves-third.html

Western Sahara and Wiki Leaks

2010-12-01T08:53:00.001-08:00

First Sahara Wikileak leak: Sarkozy inked deal with OCP

First cable from US embassy mentions 3 billion Euro deals for Sarkozy, as French Western Sahara policy leans towards Moroccan position. Among the agreements signed by Sarkozy, was the nuclear deal with Moroccan phosphate plunderer OCP.

01.12 - 2010 15:34 Printer version

"Sarkozy and entourage completed nearly 3 billion Euros worth of commercial deals and military sales during the visit, including a naval frigate", notes the embassy in the document dated 29 October 2007, in relation to Sarkozy's visit to Morocco.

The letter mentions specifically the agreement signed by French nuclear group Areva and National Phosphate Company (OCP). The deal was to extract uranium from Moroccan phosphoric acid.

OCP carries out the illegal mining in Western Sahara, taking place in violation of the UN legal opinion from 2002.

At the same time, the US embassy noted how Sarkozy annoyed the representatives of the Sahrawi people:

"Sarkozy’s remarks on Sahara appeared to move France closer toward the Moroccan position, and were embraced as such by most of the Moroccan press, which characterized the president’s remarks as a breakthrough for French policy on the Sahara question. (We understand the Polisario leadership has protested Sarkozy’s remarks.)", writes the US embassy in the first confidential letter on Western Sahara published on Wikileaks today.

The Moroccan proposition on the Western Sahara dispute, is to include the territory of Western Sahara into the Moroccan kingdom, without giving a voice to the people of Western Sahara.

Testimonies of Saharwi Students in Semara who were attacked by Moroccans on November 29.2010

2010-11-30T10:02:00.001-08:00

شهادات الضحايا المرجو تحميلها من على هذه الروابط

http://www.4shared.com/video/s7qA9oZO/tfara7_ttabt.html?

http://www.4shared.com/video/Wca3KCQc/lahbib_weld_baba.html?

http://www.4shared.com/video/GOIDAaea/chahadat.html?

http://www.4shared.com/video/WdVHXe1f/ali_olfdil.html?

Upsurge in Repression Challenges Nonviolent Resistance in Western Sahara

2010-11-19T08:52:00.001-08:00

Upsurge in Repression Challenges Nonviolent Resistance in Western Sahara
Western SaharaNews Articles (7)Publications (20)Primary Resources (14)Links (3)18 November 2010

Western Sahara

A structure in Western Sahara

Sahrawis have engaged in protests, strikes, cultural celebrations, and other forms of civil resistance. They have also raised the cost of occupation for the Moroccan government and increased the visibility of the Sahrawi cause.

By Stephen Zunes for openDemocracy

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

On November 8, Moroccan occupation forces attacked a tent city of as many as 12,000 Western Saharans just outside of Al Aioun, in the culminating act of a months-long protest of discrimination against the indigenous Sahrawi population and worsening economic conditions. Not only was the scale of the crackdown unprecedented, so was the popular reaction: In a dramatic departure from the almost exclusively nonviolent protests of recent years, the local population turned on their occupiers, engaging in widespread rioting and arson. As of this writing, the details of these events are unclear, but they underscore the urgent need for global civil society to support those who have been struggling nonviolently for their right of self-determination and to challenge western governments which back the regime responsible for the repression.

Western Sahara is a sparsely-populated nation located on the Atlantic coast of northwestern Africa. Traditionally inhabited by nomadic Arab tribes, collectively known as Sahrawis and famous for their long history of resistance to outside domination, the land was occupied by Spain from the late 1800s through the mid-1970s. The nationalist Polisario Front launched an armed independence struggle against Spain in 1973, and Madrid eventually promised the people of what was then still known as the Spanish Sahara a referendum on the fate of the territory by the end of 1975. Irredentist claims by Morocco and Mauritania were brought before the International Court of Justice, which ruled in favour of the Sahrawis’ right to self-determination. A special Visiting Mission from the United Nations engaged in an investigation that same year and reported that the vast majority of Sahrawis supported independence under the leadership of the Polisario, not integration with Morocco or Mauritania. Under pressure from the United States, which did not want to see the leftist Polisario come to power, Spain reneged on its promise for a referendum and instead agreed to partition the territory between the pro-Western countries of Morocco and Mauritania.

As Moroccan forces moved into Western Sahara, most of the population fled to refugee camps in neighboring Algeria. Morocco and Mauritania rejected a series of unanimous UN Security Council resolutions calling for the withdrawal of foreign forces and recognition of the Sahrawis’ right of self-determination. The United States and France, meanwhile, despite voting in favor of these resolutions, blocked the UN from enforcing them. Meanwhile, the Polisario – which had been driven from the more heavily populated northern and western parts of the country – declared independence as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. Thanks in part to the Algerians providing significant amounts of military equipment and economic support, Polisario guerrillas fought well against both occupying armies. Mauritania was defeated by 1979, agreeing to turn their third of Western Sahara over to the Polisario. However, the Moroccans then annexed that remaining southern part of the country as well.

The Polisario then focused their armed struggle against Morocco and, by 1982, had liberated nearly 85% of their country. Over the next four years, however, the tide of the war was reversed in Morocco’s favor thanks to dramatic increases in American and French support for the Moroccan war effort, with U.S. forces providing important training for the Moroccan army in counter-insurgency tactics and helping with the construction of a wall which kept the Polisario out of most of their country. Meanwhile, the Moroccan government, through generous housing subsidies and other benefits, successfully encouraged thousands of Moroccan settlers to immigrate to Western Sahara. By the early 1990s, these Moroccan settlers outnumbered the remaining Sahrawis indigenous to the territory by a ratio of more than 2:1.

A cease fire in 1991 was part of an agreement that would have allowed for the return of Sahrawi refugees to Western Sahara followed by a UN-supervised referendum on the fate of the territory. Neither the repatriation nor the referendum took place, however, due to Moroccan insistence on stacking the voter rolls with Moroccan settlers and other Moroccan citizens that it claimed had tribal links to Western Sahara. To break the stalemate, the UN Security Council passed a resolution in 2004 which would allow Moroccan settlers to also vote in the referendum following five years of autonomy. Morocco, however, rejected this proposal too, with the apparent reassurance that the French and Americans would yet again threaten to veto any resolution imposing sanctions or other pressures on them to compromise.

Unarmed popular resistance

As happened during the 1980s in both South Africa and the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories, the locus of the Western Sahara freedom struggle shifted from the military and diplomatic initiatives of an exiled armed movement to a largely unarmed popular resistance from within, as young activists in the occupied territory and even in Sahrawi-populated parts of southern Morocco confronted Moroccan troops in street demonstrations and other forms of nonviolent action, despite the risk of shootings, mass arrests, and torture. Sahrawis from different sectors of society have engaged in protests, strikes, cultural celebrations, and other forms of civil resistance focused on such issues as educational policy, human rights, the release of political prisoners, and the right to self-determination. They also raised the cost of occupation for the Moroccan government and increased the visibility of the Sahrawi cause. Indeed, perhaps most significantly, civil resistance helped to build support for the Sahrawi movement among international NGO’s, solidarity groups and even sympathetic Moroccans.

Internet communication became a key element in the Saharawi movement, with public chat rooms evolving as vital centres for sending messages, as breaking news regarding the burgeoning resistance campaign reached those in the Saharawi diaspora and among international activists. Despite attempts by the Moroccans to disrupt these contacts, the diaspora has continued to provide financial and other support to the resistance. Though there have been complaints from inside the territory that support for their movement by the older generation of Polisario leaders was inadequate, the Polisario appears to have recognized that by having signed a cease-fire and then having had Morocco reject the diplomatic solution expected in return, it has essentially played all its cards. So there was a growing recognition that the only real hope for independence has to come from within the occupied territory in combination with solidarity efforts from global civil society. There have been some small victories, such as the successful campaign which led to Sahrawi nonviolent resistance leader Aminatou Haidar securing the 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award, as well as forcing Moroccan authorities to reverse their expulsion order in December 2009, which resulted in her near-fatal 30-day hunger strike.

After Moroccan authorities’ use of force to break up the large and prolonged demonstrations in 2005 -2006, the resistance subsequently opted mainly for smaller protests, some of which were planned and some of which were spontaneous. A typical protest would begin on a street corner or a plaza where a Sahrawi flag would be unfurled, women would start ululating, and people would begin chanting pro-independence slogans. Within a few minutes, soldiers and police would arrive, and the crowd would quickly scatter. Other tactics have included leafleting, graffiti (including tagging the homes of collaborators), and cultural celebrations with political overtones. Such nonviolent actions, while broadly supported by the people, appear to have been less a part of coordinated resistance than a result of action by individuals. Still, the Moroccan government’s regular use of violent repression to subdue the Sahrawi-led nonviolent protests suggests that civil resistance is seen as a threat to Moroccan control.

One of the obstacles to the internal resistance is that Moroccan settlers outnumber the indigenous population by a ratio of more than 2:1 and by more in the major cities, making certain tactics used effectively in similar struggles more problematic. For example, although a general strike could be effective, the large number of Moroccan settlers, combined with the minority of indigenous Sahrawis who oppose independence, could likely fill the void resulting from the absence of much of the Sahrawi workforce. Although that might be alleviated by growing pro-independence sentiments among ethnic Sahrawi settlers from the southern part of Morocco, it still presents challenges that have not been faced by largely nonviolent struggles in other occupied lands - among them East Timor, Kosovo, and the Palestinian territories.

A shift in Morocco's strategy

Despite this, civil resistance also appears to have forced a shift in Morocco’s strategy to maintain control of the mineral-rich territory. Although the Moroccan autonomy plan for the territory put forward in 2006 does not meaningfully address Morocco’s legal responsibility to recognize the Sahrawi’s right of self-determination (see my Open Democracy article More Harm Than Good), it nevertheless constitutes a reversal of Morocco’s historical insistence that Western Sahara is as much a part of Morocco as other provinces by acknowledging that it is indeed a distinct entity. Protests in Western Sahara in recent years have begun to raise some awareness within Morocco, especially among intellectuals, human rights activists, pro-democracy groups, and some moderate Islamists - long suspicious of the government line in a number of areas - that not all Sahrawis see themselves as Moroccans and that there exists a genuine indigenous opposition to Moroccan rule.

In the occupied territory, Moroccan colonists and collaborators are given preference for housing and employment and the indigenous people receive virtually no benefits from their country’s rich fisheries and phosphate deposits. In response, a new tactic emerged late this summer, as Sahrawi activists erected the tent city about 15 kilometers outside of El Aioun, the former colonial capital and largest city in the occupied territory. Since any protests calling for self-determination, independence, or enforcement of UN Security Council resolutions are brutally suppressed, the demonstrators pointedly avoided such provocative calls, instead simply demanding economic justice. Even this was too much for the Moroccan monarchy, however, which was determined to crush this nonviolent act of mass defiance. The Moroccans tightened the siege in early October, attacking vehicles bringing food, water and medical supplies to the camp, resulting in scores of injuries and the death of a 14-year old boy. Finally, on November 8, the Moroccans attacked the camp, driving protesters out with tear gas and hoses, beating those who did not flee fast enough, setting off rioting and triggering the burning and pillaging of Sahrawis homes and shops, with occupation forces shooting or arresting suspected activists, hundreds of whom disappeared after the outbreak of violence.

Morocco has been able to persist in flouting its international legal obligations toward Western Sahara largely because France and the United States have continued to arm Moroccan occupation forces and blocked the enforcement of resolutions in the UN Security Council demanding that Morocco allow for self-determination or even simply the stationing of unarmed human rights monitors in the occupied country. So now, at least as important as nonviolent resistance by Sahrawis is the potential of nonviolent action by the citizens of France, the United States, and other countries that enable Morocco to maintain its occupation. Such campaigns played a major role in forcing Australia, Great Britain, and the United States to end their support for Indonesia’s occupation of East Timor.

Despite 35 years of exile, war, repression and international neglect, Sahrawi nationalism is at least as strong within the younger generation as their elders, as is their will to resist. How soon they will succeed in their struggle for self-determination, however, may well rest on such acts of international solidarity by global civil society.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Stephen Zunes is a professor of Politics and chair of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of San Francisco and serves as advisory committee chair of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. His most recent book (co-authored with Jacob Mundy) is Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution (Syracuse University Press, 2010).

No Comment!

2010-11-17T10:06:00.001-08:00

On W.Sahara, UN Blind As Probe Is Called For in Uganda Paragraphs, Mexico YouTube

2010-11-17T08:48:00.001-08:00

On W.Sahara, UN Blind As Probe Is Called For in Uganda Paragraphs, Mexico YouTube

By Matthew Russell Lee, Exclusive

UNITED NATIONS, November 16, updated -- As the Security Council started meeting about Western Sahara on Tuesday afternoon, all sides had and spread only limited information.

At 4:15 p.m., Uganda's Ambassador Ruhakana Rugunda told Inner City Press that his country has proposed a full Press Statement calling for an investigative team to be send to Western Sahara. "Very sketchy," he called the information the UN provided.

Inner City Press asked on November 12 and 16 if the UN has any first hand information about the murders in the Gdeim Izik camp in El-Ayoun. No, acting Deputy Spokesman Farhan Haq replied both times.

On what basis then was the UN's number two peacekeeper Atul Khare rushing into the Council eight minutes late? What possible information could he provide?

Inner City Press has heard and reported that the UN Department of Political Affairs prepared its first statement about the violence while watching YouTube videos. And DPKO?

Due to the lack of information, several delegations said they intended to ask for an investigation team. If DPKO has no information, one said, that is not normal, something will have to be done.

Others, including one member state joining the Council in January, said this added force to the request to be made again in April for a human rights component to the MINURSO peacekeeping mission.

But that's four months away, and things may have changed by then. A member said that language for a proposed “elements to the press” was being floated by Uganda, but that France would strongly oppose it. The US, too, was said to not favor any outcome to the meeting.

Khare previously with Yukio Takasu, now in line for DPKO job?

Two representatives of the Polisario Front spoke to the Press during the morning, while the Council met about Sudan. They spoke of a mass grave with 34 corpses, of MINURSO peacekeepers confined to their bases, under Moroccan surveillance, using vehicles with Morocco plates.

Inner City Press at the day's noon briefing asked Haq if MINURSO had visited the seen. We have no first hand knowledge, Haq said once again. He said he didn't know about MINURSO's licence plates, nor presumably the bugging. (Bed bugs were also asked about, and Inner City Press' exclusive report of fleas in the UN was confirmed.)

One country on the Council with a particular interest is Mexico, in part because it has one of its nationals, Antonio Velazquez, hiding in the area, posting evidence to YouTube. Mexico took the lead in asking for the meeting, but doesn't want to be seen out front. If Uganda proposes something, they are prepared to support. And Austria? Watch this site.

Footnote: In other DPKO news, Inner City Press reported by Twitter on November 15 that former Japanese Ambassador Yukio Takasu is in line for a job as Peacekeeping Advisor at the UN. On November 16 Inner City Press asked UN spokesman Haq, video here.

Update of 4:02 pm -- with the Council in closed consultations, the buzz such as there is at the stakeout involves quotes from the emergencies director of Human Rights Watch Peter Bouckaert, ranging from “We have so far only been able to confirm the death of two civilians” to “The civilian hospital in El-Ayoun was guarded by police who beat up wounded Sahrawis who came, and even Moroccan taxi drivers who brought them to the hospital.”

Polisario says that because people were afraid to go to the hospital, the number is under counted. Proponents of the number, on the other hand, say it is hard to hide dozens of bodies. Is this round and round debate being echoed in the closed door consultations? We will try to find out.

At 4:15 p.m., Uganda's Ambassador Ruhakana Rugunda told Inner City Press that his country has proposed a full Press Statement calling for an investigative team to be send to Western Sahara. "Very sketchy," he called the information the UN provided.

Update of 4:43 pm - outside the Council chamber, a non Permanent member's Perm Rep tells InnerCityPress, of Uganda's draft Press Statement on Western Sahara, “I don't think it'll come out that way.”

Update of 4:55 pm - with closed door consultations continuing, at the stakeout a video asked about by the Moroccan side, and found: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KQ3z-V7T9Cc (beware: violent)

With the highlighting of “bladed weapons” and abuse, it's reminiscent of the video of the violence on the Gaza flotilla. Technology and war crimes, while the UN closes its eyes.

Update of 5:09 pm - the consultations are over, there WILL be "elements to the press," not the full press statement proposed by Uganda.

Update of 6:08 pm -- Mark Lyall Grant of the UK came to the stakeout and read out the “elements to the press” reproduced below. Then as Inner City Press asked about MINURSO's lack of first hand information, Lyall Grant said “no more questions” and walked away. But as has become a pattern this month, he took not a single question.

Next came Ruhakana Rugunda of Uganda, who said his country and the African Union are in favor of an investigation by the UN or an “independent force.” nner City Press asked who -- he didn't specify -- and about MINURSO's failure to go to the site. He said, “That should be answered by DPKO” - we'll be asking. The Polisario representative called MINURSO a “virtual mission... captured by Morocco.”

Morocco's Ambassador came next, speaking in Arabic. Inner City Press ran to the UN's North Lawn building for a stakeout about the G-20, at which French Ambassador Gerard Araud and his deputy were already standing, tending to their minister. Inner City Press asked about Chinese yuan, US Federal Reserve pouring out $600 billion and about IMF reform -- what that's another story. Watch this site.

These are the “Elements to the Press” read out by Mark Lyall Grant on November 16, after which he said “no more questions” --

The members of the Security Council have been briefed by the Assistant Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, Mr. Atul Khare, on the recent incidents in Western Sahara.

Council members deplored the violence in El Aaiun and Gdaim Izyk camp, and expressed their condolences over the deaths and injuries that resulted.

They reaffirmed their support for MINURSO and its mission.

The members of the Security Council also heard a briefing by the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy Ambassador Christopher Ross. They offered their full support for his ongoing efforts and urged the parties to demonstrate further political will towards a solution.

* * *

Incompetencia de la de la ONU, mas descrédito de la Comunidad Europea y del Gobierno Español

2010-11-15T15:24:00.000-08:00

La verdad, que no hay palabras para describir el sentimiento de impotencia y frustración que sentimos ante la pasividad de la ONU y la Unión Europea , cuando vemos como los intereses de los países más fuertes se imponen en el seno de ambas instituciones ,incluso pasando por encima de los derechos humanos , no es nuevo,ya ha sucedido anteriormente y desgraciadamente seguirá sucediendo;el caso del Sáhara Occidental clama al cielo llevan 35 años esperando una solución ,desde 1991 año del alto el fuego , en el que la MINURSO se crea para la preparación de un referendum que nunca llega, evidentemente por intereses convenidos entre Francia y EEUU y dejando además un papel marginal a España que legalmente sigue siendo la potencia administradora en el Sáhara Occidental ,obedeciendo esta al dictado de los fuertes ,a tal extremo han llegado las cosas que Marruecos se permite el lujo de maltratar y amenazar a los periodistas españoles dentro de su territorio y muy especial mente en el Sáhara Occidental ocupado ,nos obligan a quitar a las mujeres policías de los puestos fronterizos de Ceuta y de Melilla y un sinfín de desatinos más.
No esla primera vez que el gobierno socialista de España, mira hacia otro lado ante los desmanes perpetrados por Marruecos contra la población civil saharaui, tanto dentro de Marruecos, como en el Sáhara Occidental ocupado sobre todo, pero el que lo haga ante un hecho tan grave como la sangrienta y brutal intervención de las fuerzas de seguridad marroquí,en el campamento de Gdeym Izik en las proximidades del Aaiún , que además ha sido seguida de una brutal represión que continúa hasta hoy y en la cual no sabemos todavía el número de víctimas entre fallecidos, heridos ,desaparecidos y detenidos, e incluso tratando de evitar el acceso a la zona de la prensa española, en el vano intento de ocultar estos crímenes contra la población civil saharaui; ante las lamentables declaraciones de la ministra de exteriores de España Trinidad Jimenez ,que se ha negado a condenar tan criminal represión alegando falta de datos , recordando la importancia geoestratégica y económica de nuestro vecino del Sur, y ante lo cual los ciudadanos españoles nos preguntamos ¿Donde están los tan cacareados derechos humanos? ,¿Donde se aplican? ¿En cualquier pais que esté en las Qimbambas? .Estos crímenes se han cometido y se siguen cometiendo a 100 kilómetros de Canarias en un territorio que está pendiente de descolonización , simplemente por manifestar sus habitantes su deseo de decidir libremente su futuro, este es su crimen y nada mas, ademas, al no haberse transferido la administración correctamente según la ONU , lo que sucede en el Sáhara Occidental no es, ni puede ser una cuestión ajena a España ,un ciudadano español de origen saharaui ha fallecido víctima de esta represión, pero otros muchos saharauis en mi opinión siguen siendo españoles a la luz de la irregularidad de la transferencia del territorio a Marruecos.
Estos crímenes que se han cometido y continuan cometiéndose no pueden ni deben quedar impunes, ya que al mirar hacia otro lado nos convertimos en cómplices de estos crímenes dando alas al opresor para que continue la represión y el genocidio contra el Pueblo Saharáui.
Marcos Gonzalez

Democracy Now Televised Interview 11-15-2010

2010-11-15T09:31:00.000-08:00

Thousands Protest In Spain Over Western Sahara

2010-11-13T09:15:00.001-08:00

(AP) MADRID (AP) - Thousands of people demonstrated in Madrid on Saturday against Morocco's recent crackdown that has left at least 10 people dead in the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara in northwestern Africa.

Many protesters blamed Spain for not taking a firmer stance against what they see as human rights abuses by Morocco's police and army in the territory.

Demonstration organizers said in a statement that the Moroccan government had sent in soldiers and police to quash local demands for better working and social conditions to mark the 35th anniversary of the territory's annexation by Morocco.

Among those protesting on Saturday was Hollywood actor Javier Bardem, as well as Spanish lawmakers and other political, civil rights and trade union leaders.

"There's a lot of people here as you can tell, just to condemn the violation of human rights in Sahara and to try to make the international community and especially the government of Spain understand that diplomacy is about human rights," Bardem said.

Protesters marched about a mile (2 kilometers) from Atocha railway station to downtown Sol square carrying banners saying "Morocco out of the Sahara, 35 years of occupation is enough" and "Free Sahara."

Western Sahara is a mineral-rich former Spanish colony that Morocco marched into and occupied when Spain withdrew in 1975, leaving a power vacuum.

Local Saharawi people have long campaigned for the right to self-determination. but most Moroccans now view the territory as a part of their kingdom.

"The reason for this protest is to ask our government, as former occupying power of Western Sahara, to resolve this conflict," said Juan Carlos Caballero, 46, president of the North Madrid association of friends of the Saharawi people.

Banners from many parts of Spain could be seen at the demonstration which also included live music and street performers dressed in the red, green, black and white of the traditional Saharawi flag.

The Moroccan-controlled territory's main city, Laayoune, is reported to be tense and overrun by police and heavily-armed troops following riots there Monday after Moroccan forces raided the crowded protest camp.

Copyright 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

ارتفاع حصيلة الشهداء ، المفقودين ، المختطيفين ، والمعتقلين الصحراويين والمنازل المداهمة بمدينة العيون المحتلة

2010-11-10T12:32:00.000-08:00

ارتفاع حصيلة الشهداء ، المفقودين ، المختطيفين ، والمعتقلين الصحراويين والمنازل المداهمة بمدينة العيون المحتلة

التقرير حرر بتاريخ : 10 نونبر2010

يستمر الإحتلال المغربي في هجمته المسعورة ضد المواطنين الصحراويين بمدينة العيون المحتلة ، هذا ولحد الساعة تشير المعطيات الواردة من مدينة العيون المحتلة مواصلة مختلف الأجهزة القمعية المغربية قمعها الدموي مستعملة الرصاص الحي والمطاطي ، القنابل المسيلة للدموع في قمع الصحراويين ، وهو مانتح عنده سقوط العديد من الضحايا الصحراويين من بينهم شهداء ومصابين إصابات بليغة ومفقودين ومختطفين ومنازل مداهمة. وفي هذه الأثناء والساعة تشير إلى الساعة الحادية و30 دقيقة بتاريخ 10 نونبر2010 ، الشرطة المغربية وهي مدججة بالأسلحة تقتحم حي معطى الله ، حي ليراك ، حي النهضة ، وتقوم بإقتحام منازل الصحراويين بهذه الأحياء وشن حملة واسعة النطاق من الإختطافات والإعتقالات في صفوف المدنيين الصحراويين من مختلف الأعمار . وهذه لائحة بأسماء الضحايا ، سيتم تطعيمها أولا بأول بكل جديد نتوصل به من مدينة العيون المحتلة .

الشهداء الصحراويين

علي سالم الأنصاري ، أستشهد بمدينة أكادير المغربية ، بعدما رفضت المستشفيات المغربية إستقباله ، ليتم تم نقله من مدينة العيون المحتلة في حالة خطيرة جراء تعذيبه من طرف الجيش الملكي الغربي بتاريخ 08 نونبر 2010 . ليستشهد مساء اليوم 10 نونبر2010 .

الضحايا
نوع الإصابة

الشايعة منت محمد ولد سيدي البلال
مصابة بمختلف أنحاء جسمها

المحظية منت عبد الله ولد سيدي ولد البلال
مصابة على مستوى القدمين

مريم الحسيني 13 سنة
مصابة برضوض على مستوى أنحاء الجسم

لبنة عمنة
مصابة على مستوى الفخذ

مولاي أهل السباعي
مصاب على مستوى الرأي

محمود ولد المصطفى الخير البيلال
إعتدي عليه وتم تخريب سيارته

ثريا منت دوكة ولد سيدي ابراهيم الداه
اعتدي عليها وهي حامل

اسليكة منت دوكة ولد سيدي ابراهيم الداه
اصابات على مستوى الجسم

تحجلب منت دوكة ولد سيدي إبراهيم الداه
اصابات على مستوى الجسم

فلوحة منت دوكة ولد سيدي ابراهيم الداه
اصابات على مستوى الجسم

الريم منت دوكة ولد سيدي ابراهيم الداه
اصابات على مستوى الجسم

مريم منت دوكة ولد سيدي إبراهيم الداه
اصابات على مستوى الجسم

انتصار منت دوكة ولد سيدي إبراهيم الداه
اصابات على مستوى الجسم

لخديجة منت الشيعة
اصابات على مستوى الجسم

مصطفى محمد بوناني
إصابة على مستوى الفخذ وأنحاء أخرى

الباتول منت سيدي ولد عبد الله
مصابة بسكور على مستوى اليدين

عائشة منت محمد سالم ولد بابا
مصابة بثلاثة كسور ،وفي حاجة إلى 03 عمليات جراحية

زينب منت الحاج أمبارك
مصابة على مستويات متفرقة من الجسم

المعتقلين والمختطفين و المفقودين

محمد ولد العربي دادة ، مختطف

أحمد بلمكي ، معتقل

ولد الدي ولد أنذور، مختطف

الليهة منت محمود ولد ميارة, معتقلة

الرباب منت محمود ولد ميارة, معتقلة

السالك لعبيدي عبد السلام, مفقود

الداه لحبيب احمد عياد, مفقود

اعمر محمد سالم يوسف, مفقود

عبد الرحمان مولود بيجة, مصاب إصابة خطيرة و مفقود

محمود البورحيمي, مفقود

محمد لحسين أنذور مختطف

الغوث الهاشمي معتقل

محمود الهاشمي معتقل

بشاري علي سالم ولد لحبيب مفقود

مولاي ولد البشير ولد علي سالم معتقل

عبد الله ولد لحسن ولد أبهي

محمد ولد الحسين ولد أدي

التوزاني ولد سالم ولد محمد مفقود

عبد الرحمان ولد عبد الجليل مفقود

المنازل المداهمة والمحاصرة
مكان تواجدها

منزل فاطمة الحيول
حي مايسمى بالعودة

منزل أهل الحسيني
حي مايسمى بالعودة

منزل خديجة منت الحافظ الجوامعي
حي مايسمى بالعودة ، تمت محاصرته وترهيب عائلته

منزل أهل بوحمالة
شارع القدس بحي معطى الله

منزل أهل بوعمود
حي مايسمى بالعودة

منزل أهل عكيدة
حي مايسمى بالعودة

منزل أهل الزمامي
حي مايسمى بالعودة

منزل أهل لخفاوني
حي مايسمى بالعودة

منزل أهل سلامة ولد الديش تم إحراق سيارتيه
حي الفيلات

آهل دوكة ولد سيدي إبراهيم الده
حي معطى الله

أهل محمود ولد هلاب
حي بلانا 92

أهل محمود ولد ميارة
حي مايسمى بالعودة

منزل أهل لحسين أنذور
شارع بوكراع

منزل أهل الهاشمي
بالقرب من قيادة بوكراع

منزل أهل أميدان
شارع بوكراع

منزل أهل كريطة
شارع بوكراع

Report on Vitctims and Casualties- Arabic Version-

2010-11-09T10:53:00.000-08:00

الاخبار يوم 9 نوفمبر 2010

العيون المحتلة
09.11.2010

بعد يوم دامي شهدته مدينة العيون المحتلة، استأنفت صباح اليوم الثلاثاء عمليات القمع المغربي بحي معطى الله حيث انتشر المئات من عناصر الجيش المغربي بمحيط الحي فاسحين المجال إلى عناصر من الشرطة مسلحين بمسدسات لاقتحام بعض المنازل كمنزل أهل لغريد ومنزل أهل بوحنانة
والى حدود كتابة هذا التقرير تقوم قوات الاحتلال بتسهيل وتعبيد الطريق أمام المئات من المستوطنين حيث بدؤوا في اقتحام منازل مواطنين صحراويين بحي الدويرات والوفاق وكذا الراحة ، انتقاما من مقاومتهم الشرسة يوم أمس وليلة البارحة لمحاولات جيش الاحتلال التدخل ضدهم .
فيما لا تزال مقاومة بطولية مستمرة لأحياء العودة والأمل لصد هجوم لجيش الاحتلال مدعوما بميليشا المستوطنين وقد شارك في التدخل العسكري طائرات مروحية كانت ترمي متظاهرين صحراويين بقنابل مسيلة للدموع
شارع اسكيكيمة يشهد مواجهات بين صحراويين وقوات الاحتلال التي نهبت محلات تجارية بعد كسرها .
زنقة جبل طارق هي الأخرى تشهد مواجهات عنيفة وإطلاق الرصاص المطاطي
ضد المتظاهرين
المستوطنين احرقوا إعدادية التعاون بدير أيدك ويقومون بنهب منازل صحراويين بعد اقتحامها
كل ذلك أسفر عن سقوط العديد من الجرحى ، فيما تؤكد أنباء من تلك الأحياء بوجود حالات خطيرة جدا ، كحالة المناضل الصحراوي سعيد اللومادي الذي يجهل مصيره إلى الآن.
مواجهات يوم أمس أسفرت عن سقوط شهيد صحراوي تم دهسه بسيارة تابعة للشرطة المغربية قبل أن تقوم عناصر أمنية بالاعتداء عليه بالضرب المفضي للموت
وكان جنود ومستوطنون قد اقتحموا أمس وابتداء من الساعة الثالثة من بعد الظهر عشرات المحلات التجارية تعود ملكيتها لمواطنين صحراويين .
كما أسفرت تلك المواجهات عن سقوط مئات الجرحى واعتقال مئات آخرين وهذه لائحة أولية بأسماء الضحايا

الإصابات

* الصحفي الأميركي John Thorn اعتدي عليه بالقرب من فندق نكجير هو والناشط الحقوقي إبراهيم الأنصاري ممثل منظمة هيومان رايتس ووتش

* احمد لحميد (حالة خطيرة) أصيب على مستوى الفك واليد وجرح غائر بالرأس
* احمد الطالبي " احمد ولد محمد سالم ولد حميدي" أصيب على مستوى الرأس والكتف
* عزيز الطالبي " عزيز ولد محمد سالم ولد حميدي" أصيب بجراح خطيرة على مستوى الرأس
* السالك لعسيري أصيب برصاصة على مستوى اليد
* البشير خدا أصيب بجرح أصيب بنزيف حاد بعد إصابته على مستولى الرأس
* مصطفى بونان أصيب برصاصة على مستوى الفخذ
* ماء العينين هدي
* سيدي الوالي
* لمباركي مولاي اعلي
- Mostrar texto citado -
* عيادة عوبة
* محمود ولد اباعيا
* سعد دويهي
* الدحو ولد اللو
* عبد الله ولد فركاك
* المجاهيد سدرة
* لارباس اليدالي
* بشيرنا اليدالي
* الناجم هيدالة ولد الخليل
* البكاي العرابي
* أمباركة من سويح منت السي بلخير
* طودار كمال ولد عبد اللطيف
* واقة عبد الله
* الوافي رشيد
* لمباركي فاطمة
* داهي حسون
* يسلم ولد الخليل
* سيولمة محمد لمبارك بوبكر
* محفوظ ازفاطي
* لوشاعة جاعة
* فالة الشتوكي
* سعيد اللومادي
* الغالية سيدي محمد الديد
* خديجة سيدي محمد الديد
* اكليمينة علالي الحبيب
* المحجوب علالي عثمان
* علالي عثمان الزاوي
* سيد احمد هاشم
* محمود سعيد يبلغ من العمر 8 سنوات
* خديجة عالي معاقة
* أم الخوت منت مولود مسنة
أسماء المعتقلين

* حسن بوعمود
* حمودي محمد سالم الليلي
* دادة اعلي سالم
* ليلى الليلي
* فاطمتو البيلال
* كزيزة لجود
* احمد الطنجي معتقل بإحدى الثكنات العسكرية
* بوريال محمد
* الزاوي الحسين
* محمد الأمين أهل الطالب معاق
* احمد جدو الخنشي
* محمد الأمين ولد خطري ولد الداه
* السلامي عبد الفتاح ولد اعلي بيبا
* المكي سيد احمد
* هباد إبراهيم
* البشير يايا
* الحبيب إبراهيم السالم اعلي الأحمر
* إبراهيم كشبار
* احمد كشبار
* انكية كشبار
* محمد سالم المرابط
* مبارك فريدو
* عبدي السعيدي
* المهدي الاسماعيلي
* احمد المكي
* لمين ماء العينين
* محمود لهويدي
* رشيد الشمامي
* النوف الركيبي محمد الأمين
* الركيبي الوالي
* سعيد ددي
* بوتباعة احمد
* عبد الرحمان البيلال
* أمبارك منيصير
*احمد حسن المكي
* بنكا الشيخ
* ألمين ماءالعينين

أسماء المختطفين مجهولي المصير

* أندور محمد مولود
* لعروسي ميان
* سكينة منت رمضان ولد البشرة
* عياش بوجمعة محمد الأمين
* عياش عمر ولد محمد الأمين
* مولاي اعلي مبارك
* لمام هدي
* حمزة الشواف
* احمد الكنتاوي
* محمد لمين الطالبي
* لالة الغالية مرزوك
* السالك التوالي
* محجوب التوالي
* لخميني القاضي
* بابيت حمزة
* إبراهيم علي سالم بابيت

بمدينة المرسى 25 كلم جنوب غرب العيون المحتلة أصيبت عائلة صحراوية بجروح بليغة على اثر تدخل لجيش الاحتلال لصدهم من التوجه إلى بادية المنطقة
وكان مواطنون صحراويون قد تعرضوا للتعذيب بعد اعتقالهم بالمدينة بسبب مشاركتهم في مظاهرة نظمت احتجاجا على ما تعرض له اخوانهم في مخيم مدينة اكديم ايزيك والعيون المحتلة وقد اصيب في ذلك التدخل
عائلة اهل احريم ، والمواطن الصحراوي عبد الحي الناصيري ، المواطن الصحراوي بلعمش رشيد

ليلى الليلي
مختطف
العلاوي مولود مختطف
مختطف قشلة الحشيشة

منزل إبراهيم لبيهي فتحوه بالرصاص شارع الحزام

في انتظار المزيد من التفاصيل أو إكمال التقرير
الجيش يكول الصحراء مغربية
أهل جعيدر وأهل المخليل طردهم من المخيم
شارع الحزام توقيف نيسان اعتقال خمسة على متنها شابين وثلاث نساء
توقيف السيارات بقوة السلاح

ف

Pictures of oppression in Agdim Izik and inside the City of laayoune, Western Sahara

2010-11-09T10:32:00.000-08:00

2010-11-09T10:27:00.000-08:00

Reports of 11 dead, 723 injured and 159 missing after violent clashes in Laayoune yesterday

2010-11-09T10:26:00.000-08:00

PRESS RELEASE: NOVEMBER 9, 2010 IMMEDIATE

Reports of 11 dead, 723 injured and 159 missing after violent clashes in Laayoune yesterday

The Sandblast Team, 9th Nov 2010

The latest official figures released this morning by the Saharawi Ministry of Information report 11 Saharawi dead, 723 injured and 159 missing as a result of the violent dismantling of the Gdeim Izik protest camp outside Laayoune yesterday and brutal clashes between Saharawi protesters and Moroccan authorities in the capital. Additionally, new reports suggest that an unknown number of Saharawi have been detained as the authorities today continue to forcefully enter and ransack homes, arresting those over the age of 16.

For their part, Moroccan authorities announced the death of an employee of the Moroccan Phosphate Office, bringing the total number of deaths confirmed by Morocco to six. According to the Saharawi Press Service, the city has been sealed-off by Moroccan forces, preventing the entry of foreigners, including press, and making it very difficult for any reports to be independently confirmed. The figures are expected to change as more information becomes available.

New footage of yesterday’s destruction of the protest camp and the street violence in Laayoune, published by Saharawi activist group, Sahara Thawra, was released today by Spanish newspaper ABC and conveys the violent events as they unfolded.
http://www.abc.es/videos/20101109/colectivo-prosahararui-publica-imagenes-665359133001.html

There has been no international condemnation of yesterday’s events. The governments of Spain, the UK and the rest of the EU remain silent on the issue. The UN, which is brokering talks between Morocco and the Polisario in New York this week, merely urged the two sides to exercise “restraint”.

Sandblast, along with Western Sahara Campaign UK and War on Want urge members of the public to take action by writing to their MPs to push for UK and wider international intervention to prevent an escalation of violence and allow an independent investigation into events to take place. For more details please go to Sandblast’s Ning Community: http://sandblast-arts.ning.com/forum/topics/write-to-your-mp?commentId=4590061:Comment:698

U.S. Middle East talks--a model for Western Sahara?

2010-10-27T08:49:00.000-07:00

http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/10/27/us_middle_east_talks_a_model_for_western_sahara

U.S. Middle East talks--a model for Western Sahara?Posted By Anna Theofilopoulou, Jacob Mundy Wednesday, October 27, 2010 - 12:23 AM Share

The recent decision by the Obama administration to invite Israel and the Palestinian Authority to engage in serious negotiations over the Middle East conflict should be instructive for those interested in resolving one that seems almost as intractable -- the Western Sahara dispute.

Key to this new effort in the Middle East conflict is (1) the US is sponsoring and supporting the talks; (2) the US has demanded that the two negotiate seriously, tackle the difficult subjects that have trounced previous attempts for resolution; and (3) the US has given the two sides a one-year deadline.

Though the fate of the Israel-Palestinian talks still hangs on a knife's edge, a similar attitude on the part of United States towards the Western Sahara dispute might pave the way to a durable solution to one of Africa's oldest conflicts.

Although there are many differences between the two conflicts, which the protagonists on both sides hasten to point out, there are also several undeniable parallels. They are both about the annexation of a geographical area by another state resulting in a group of people either coming under occupation or becoming homeless. In both cases the participants pay lip service to the result that the international community would like to see but with their actions boycott such outcome. Both conflicts have resulted in thousands of refugees living in camps or in exile for over two generations. In both cases the key parties are unequal in power, on the one side a powerful Western-backed state and on the other a former liberation organization with influential allies. In both cases, the US has been a strong, steady and undeniable supporter of the occupying state while paying lip service to the rights of the dispossessed nation.

Morocco, who took control of the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara in 1975, precipitated a war with the Sahrawi nationalist front Polisario, which has been backed by Algeria and the African Union. Morocco, with strong support from France and the Regan administration, was able to occupy most of Western Sahara by the time the UN Security Council got involved in 1988.

Another important parallel between Western Sahara and the Middle East conflict is that both peace processes made important strides when the Carter, Bush Sr. and Clinton administrations maintained an active interest in seeking a resolution and pressured both sides to make compromises. Conversely, both conflicts drastically deteriorated under the George W. Bush administration, who not only adopted an increasingly passive attitude but also an unabashedly partisan one towards Morocco and Israel in his second term.

Recently getting things back on track, the Obama administration told the Middle East protagonists that the path to Israeli security and Palestinian statehood is through negotiations. The parties to the Western Sahara conflict should be told that only through negotiations will Morocco and Polisario be able to mutually define the meaning of sovereignty and self-determination. These negotiations should be based upon the exchange of views and compromise, not dictating outcomes.

An important aspect of a more aggressive initiative in Western Sahara will be the coordination of the Security Council. China and Russia have tended to let the United States do the heavy lifting with some neutral support from Britain. France, on the other hand, maintains an unambiguously pro-Moroccan position on the issue and Spain, the former colonial power in Western Sahara, vacillates between the parties depending on which party holds power.

A serious initiative in Western Sahara means that it will be imperative that the Group of Friends for Western Sahara -- United States, France, United Kingdom, Russia and Spain -- first agree that there will be no daylight between them regarding the framework for negotiations based upon previous UN Security Council resolutions (i.e., a negotiated political solution that provides for self-determination). Indeed, if there is any need for pre-negotiations in Western Sahara, it is amongst those Western states claiming the most interest in the issue.

At the beginning, Western Sahara does not need high-level intervention from the White House or the State Department. Luckily for the United States, they have the next best thing: the current UN envoy to Western Sahara is former US diplomat Christopher Ross, who brings with him the neutrality of the UN Secretariat and the ear of Washington. For now, all that is needed to jumpstart the peace process in Western Sahara is for Presidents Obama and Sarkozy to the let parties know behind the scenes that they must engage in serious negotiations, listen to each other and get involved in a meaningful give and take. Then a joint communiqué from the US, France and Spain should follow that clearly lays out the terms of reference for the talks, establishes a one-year deadline for an agreement and commits the Security Council to a withdrawal from Western Sahara if no agreement is reached. Indeed, the US should leverage its veto over the UN mission in Western Sahara, which France backs for Morocco and Spain backs for its historical guilt, to get Paris and Madrid on board.

In Western Sahara, unfortunately, the motivation for spending the political capital necessary for peace is far less compelling than in Israel and Palestine. Since the 1991 ceasefire, most of the violence in Western Sahara has either come in the form of Morocco's often-brutal repression of dissident Sahrawis or the structural violence of thousands of Western Saharan refugees living in harsh exile in camps in Tindouf, Algeria. Apart from renewed Polisario threats to return to arms if its national rights are not recognized, the situation is not one that seems to threaten regional stability or US interests. Indeed, Morocco's 100,000 strong military occupation of Western Sahara makes it one of the most secure areas in a region increasingly seen as infested with an Al-Qaida franchise. When compared to the suffering and instability wrought by the Israel-Palestinian conflict on daily basis, it is no wonder that Western Sahara has earned low prioritization.

Nonetheless the Sahrawi refugees must come out of 35 years of exile in the camps to live a regular life in Western Sahara. Morocco needs to address its own domestic socio-economic issues and stop pouring resources of unknown size into a territory that it can only keep calm and quiet through repression. Further, regional economic integration and security cooperation on terrorism in Northwest Africa needs to come out of the deep freeze engendered by the enmity between Rabat and Algiers over Western Sahara.

As in the Middle East, there are no guarantees that the status quo is sustainable in Western Sahara (indeed, US Special Envoy Ross has recently noted the explicit non-sustainability of the status quo). It is now clear that leaving the parties to their own devices in the Middle East has only served to undermine the conditions for a viable two state solution. Similarly, the chances for a peaceful, stable and long-term resolution for Western Sahara will only diminish as the Security Council allows Morocco and Polisario to wage war-by-other-means without respite.

Often one hears in Washington that the parties must first show the political will necessary to solve the issue. Only then will the US back an aggressive peace initiative in Western Sahara. The problem with this argument is that it leaves the parties in the driver's seat. Anybody who understands the conflict should know that this will never happen. As long as either Morocco or Polisario can veto the peace-process, whether directly or through their respective proxies, the Security Council will be held hostage to a deteriorating situation.

Anna Theofilopoulou covered Western Sahara and North Africa in the Department of Political Affairs of the United Nations from 1994 to 2006. She worked closely with former US Secretary of State, James A. Baker, III throughout his appointment as Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General on Western Sahara.

Jacob Mundy holds a PhD from the University of Exeter's Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies. He is coauthor of Western Sahara: War, Nationalism and Conflict Irresolution (Syracuse University Press). Find more information about the book at wsahara.stephenzunes.org

Escalation of violence against Saharawi civilians as Moroccan soldiers open fire killing a young boy near El Aaiun protest camp

2010-10-25T12:37:00.000-07:00

SANDBLAST PRESS RELEASE
Escalation of violence against Saharawi civilians as Moroccan soldiers open fire killing a young boy near El Aaiun protest camp

El Aaiun (Occupied Western Sahara), October 25th 2010, Sandblast Team

A 14-year-old Saharawi boy was killed and seven others were injured yesterday (Sunday) evening near the Saharawi civilian protest camp outside El Aaiun. The Moroccan army opened fire on two vehicles the victims were travelling in as they attempted to deliver essential food, water and medicines to friends and relatives among the thousands of Saharawi camped out for the last two weeks some 12km east of the occupied capital of Western Sahara (El Aaiun).

The boy, Nayem El-Garhi, died instantly in the Nissan pick-up truck in which he was travelling, when it came under a hail of bullets at a control post, outside the camp. Saharawi sources report that seven others were wounded in the two vehicles, including the brother of the victim, Zupir El-Garhi. A Moroccan source puts the number of wounded at three people. All were taken to the military hospital in El Aaiun for treatment.

The victims had been pursued by the Moroccan army from the moment they left the city until their car was brought to a halt by the bullets some 2km from the Gdeim Izik camp, said the Saharawi source.

"Repeated calls by the Polisario Front and the Saharawi Government warning of imminent aggressive intervention by Moroccan forces against the protesters, have been confirmed by this cruel murder and attack on innocent young people who were trying to bring food to their families," a statement issued to the Sahara Press Service said.

The statement, which named two of the seven injured as Lagdaf El-Alwi and Mohamed Daudi, asserted that "the credibility of the UN is now being tested" and called on the international community to respond with a "rapid intervention to prevent a further tragedy.”

A delegation of peers and MPs will today address the issue in the UK with Foreign Office Minister Alistair Burt MP, and have released the following reactions to last night’s developments:

“This death is a tragedy, but there are fears this is just the beginning. The UK government can help by urgently raising the issue with the Moroccan authorities to ensure the safety of those who peacefully protest the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara.” [Jonathon Evans MP]

“This is a tragedy and a disgrace and at a meeting I have later today with the Foreign Office Minister I’ll be asking that the UK government make the strongest possible reps to the Moroccans not only to allow safe passage but also, to end the political stalemate by allowing the people of the Western Sahara the free choice to decide the future of their own land.” [Jeremy Corbyn MP, Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Western Sahara]

“I will be raising this issue with the Minister. We cannot continue to ignore the brutality of the Moroccan authorities against those who peacefully demonstrate for their right to independence. The first step is for the Security Council to implement human rights monitoring in Western Sahara.” [Mark Williams MP]

Video of Camp Independence, alias: Camp mahfud ali Baiba

2010-10-21T09:26:00.001-07:00

News from Camp Independence( alias Camp Mahfud Ali Baiba) October21,2010

2010-10-21T09:21:00.001-07:00

تقرير عاجل جدا من مخيم النازحين والعيون المحتلة

بعد ما يزيد عن ثمانية أيام من النضال السلمي الراقي الحضاري الذي عبر عنه الصحراويين من خلال نزوحهم الجماعي، هاهي سلطات الاحتلال المغربي بشتى تلاوينها الأمنية والعسكرية تحاول اعادة صياغة جرائمها التي ارتكبتها أثناء غزوها الصحراء الغربية يوم 31 أكتوبر 1975، وذلك من خلال التعزيزات المتواصلة للجيش المغربي والقوات المساعدة والدرك الملكي والشرطة وقوات التدخل السريع، بمعداتهم وآلياتهم وأسلحتهم وذخيرتهم الحية.

ففي الأيام الأربع الأولى كانت الاستفزازات من اختصاص الدرك الملكي، والتي بدأت بزيارات كبار مسؤوليه الاستفزازاية للمخيم، واعطائهم الأمر للطائرات الاستطلاعية العمودية منها والمروحية لأن تقوم بطلعاتها الجوية من أجل تخويف النازحين، وقد سبب في سقوط جنين من رحم أمه وهي لالة أم لخوت. وأمام عدم اكتراثهم لهذه الاستفزازات، نهجت السلطات المغربية سياستين متوزايتين ترسخان مدى تنسيق كل الأجهزة القمعية، حيث أن القوات المساعدة التي كانت ولازالت الى جانب الدرك الملكي قبل ثلاث أيام من كتابة التقرير استنفرت قواها الساعة الثالثة بعد منتصف الليل لتخويف النازحين، مما سبب ذعر في صفوف النسوة والأطفال والمسنين الا أن عزيمة حرس المخيم ذللت من جبروت هذه القوة بالتنظيم المحكم ومحاولتها صد أي هجوم بصدورهم العارية، في المقابل الشرطة المغربية وفي ذات الأثناء تمركزت في مناطق متعددة شرق وشمال شرق العيون المحتلة حتى لا يتمكن النازحين الجدد من الوفود على المخيم، فتمت مطاردة العديد من السيارات والاعتداء على من فيها ومصادرتها بحجة النقل السري، ورغم ذلك انضمت الى المخيم يوم السبت الماضي 550 خيمة.

ومنذ أول أمس بدأ الحصار يشتد، حيث عمدت السلطات المغربية الى منع الدعم من أكل وأدوية وماء، وذلك بمطاردة السيارات التي تحمله لثنيها عن الوصول، ولم تنجح نسبيا. بالموازاة مع ذلك انقطعت شبكة الاتصال الهاتفي، مع العمل على بث الشائعات التي تلين من عزم النازحين وترهيب كل من حاول الانضمام اليهم. وكان النازحين قد وجهوا نداء استغاثة للمنتظم الدولي من أجل توفيرالتغذية اللازمة لهم والعمل على انقاذ مرضى السكري والربو الحاد من الموت البطء من خلال ارسال مادة الأنسولين والأكسجين.

وظهر أمس الأربعاء 20 أكتوبر 2010، تحركت الدعاية الاستخباراتية المغربية وعملائها ببث الأكاذيب والمغالطات عن النازحين في ظل التعتيم الاعلامي المفروض عليهم، من قبيل:

- أن لجنة النازحين تفاوض مع ولاة في الداخلية المغربية قادمين من الرباط،
- أن النازحين سيحصلون على العمل والسكنى.

الا أن ما شوهد عكس ذلك حيث طوقت العيون المحتلة وبخاصة الجهة الشرقية والشرقية الشمالية منها بالكامل، من طرف الشرطة المغربية التي استقدم عدد هائل من أفرادها الى حدود ظهر اليوم في أفواج من أكادير ومراكش المغربيتين، والتي تنظم دوريات متلاحمة ومتواصلة بأحياء المدينة، وتقيم هذه القوات المستقدمة من داخل المغرب في:
- دار الطالب،
- شارع الفرسان،
- المستودع الاقليمي،
- شارع الحزام،
- ملعب الشيخ محمد لغظف،
- شارع السمارة،
- مقر مكتب الكهرباء
- مستودع شركة بيرا
- شارع راس الخيمة.
- شارع المغرب العربي

وعزز الجيش المغربي من تواجده وتعداده بالموازاة مع ذلك، حيث حاصرت المخيم أمس 110 سيارات من نوع تويوتا مكدسة بعناصر الجيش قادمة من أم أدريكة والسمارة والكلتة، دعمت ب 30 سيارة مكشوفة، بالاضافة الى (الديارات) " تشكيلات التدخل السريع العسكري"، كل هذه الآليات قادمة من مناطق عسكرية بالصحراء الغربية حيث تتمركز منذ بداية الاحتلال، وهي كالآتي:

- الراجمة الأولى بمنطقة الكلتة المحتلة،
- الراجمة السادسة بالسمارة المحتلة،
- لابريكاد العاشرة بمنطقة حوزة المحتلة.

وصبيحة اليوم الخميس 21 أكتوبر 2010، شدد الجيش المغربي الى جانب القوات المساعدة الحصارعلى النازحين الصحراويين وتطويق كل المنافذ المؤدية اليهم، ومطاردة السيارات القادمة من العيون المحتلة ومنعها من الدخول الى المخيم مستعملين: الرصاص الحي والحجارة وقنينات الزجاج والهروات، مما ينذر بكارثة انسانية وتقتيل جماعي بحق الصحراويين العزل.

هذه المطاردات والملاحقات والتطويق و العسكري والأمني، أدى الى الهجوم على السيارات الوافدة على المخيم، حيث أنه حسب لائحة أولية من مصادر موثوقة بعين المكان، تعرضت 12 سيارة من نوع لانردوفير الى تكسير زجاجها والتهجم والاعتداء على من فيها بالضرب والرمي بقنينات الزجاج، وهو الذي أدى الى اصابة العديد بصابات متفاوتة الخطورة من بينهم حسب اللائحة الأولية دائما:

- فاطمة بوتباعة: اصابة على مستوى العين بزجاج،
- حورية الموساوي: اصابة على مستوى العين بزجاج،
- المهداوي أحمد ولد المحجوب، اصابات متفاوتة الخطورة على مستوى الرقبة والكتف والكلي،
- خديجتو ماء العينين: اصابة على مستوى الذراع،
- صلاح الجبار: اصابة على مستوى اليد،
- سيداتي الشكوطي: اصابة على مستوى اليد،
- أحسينا أحمادي: اصابة على مستوى الذراع،
- لحسن الحيسوني: اصابة على مستوى الرجل.

ولم يقف الحصار عند هذا الحد، بل تعمل السلطات المغربية على أشكال جديدية قديمة لحصار النازحين وتجويعهم، حيث شوهدت منتصف اليوم الخميس 21 أكتوبر 2010 جرافتان تعملان على حفر حزام رملي شبيه بحزام الذل والعار، يفصل العيون المحتلة عن النازحين الصحراويين شرقا، حيث حفرتا الى حدود كتابة هذا التقرير ما يعادل متر ونصف الى متران، وذلك ابتداءا من شمال شرق حي الراحة الذي يوجد في أقصى شرق العيون المحتلة متجهتان نحو جنوبه، في احتمال واضح الى حصار المدينة عسكريا وأمنيا وذلك بمحاولة سلطات الاحتلال المغربي فتح بوابات صغيرة لا يتسنى لمن يريد مغادرة العيون المحتلة شرقا المرور من غيرها.

كل هذا وغيره من أشكال الحصار المفروض على النازحين شرق العيون المحتلة والعيون المحتلة نفسها، يشير الى أن حياة النازحين الصحراويين ومصيرهم في خطر شديد، سيما وأن الجرحى والمرضى والحوامل منهم في حالة سيئة جراء هذا الحصار والتجويع والتقتيل البطيء الذي يطالهم.

الخميس 21 أكتوبر 2010
العيون المحتلة

Saharawi Govt. Press Release _ French Version.

2010-10-15T11:53:00.000-07:00

Ministerio de Información
Communiqué

En signe de protestation contre les conditions socio-économiques plus que précaires et l’occupation de leur pays, le Sahara Occidental par le Maroc, les populations sahraouies dans les territoires occupés ont opté depuis trois jours pour une autre forme de la résistance pacifique en s’exilant massivement en dehors des villes et en dressant des Campement de fortune. Le nombre de ces personnes qui se trouvent à 18 km à l’est d’El Aaiun, capitale du Sahara Occidental, avoisine 7000 personnes.
La réaction des autorités marocaine ne s’est pas faite attendre puisqu’ elles ont dépêché, en plus de l’inspecteur général des forces armées marocaines, Abdelaziz Benani, du patron de la gendarmerie, Housni Benslimane et de hauts gradés de l’armée, des unités des forces armées royales, de la gendarmerie et des forces auxiliaires qui ont procédé à l’encerclement des dites populations par des fils barbelés et en leur refusant tout approvisionnement en eau, la nourriture ou les médicaments.
La répression marocaine féroce et les descentes punitives des services secrets marocains, notamment à Boujdour dont les populations se sont solidarisées avec celles d’El Aaiun et Smara ont fait 70 blessés et débouché sur des centaines d'arrestations, sur fond de violences massives des droits de l'homme. A l’heure qu’il est, et selon les témoignages qui continuent d'être recueillis, les informations en provenance du Sahara Occidental font état d’une pratique généralisée de la torture
La gravité de la situation dans les territoires occupés du Sahara Occidental, et notamment celle de ces populations, exige un engagement réel de la part de toute la Communauté internationale, d’autant que leur protection ne peut plus attendre, et chaque retard apportera inéluctablement de nouvelles souffrances.
Le gouvernement de la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique et la Direction du Front POLISARIO, tout en dénonçant énergiquement la réaction brutale des forces d’occupation marocaines, lesquelles doivent respecter les obligations qui leur incombent en matière du droit humanitaire international, relatif à la protection des populations civiles en temps de guerre.
Le gouvernement sahraoui et le Front POLISARIO lancent un appel pressant à la Communauté internationale, notamment le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les Réfugiés (HCR), le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies aux Droits de l’Homme pour mettre en application, sans délai, la quatrième Convention de Genève de 1949.
Ce mouvement de protestation, qui interpelle la communauté internationale pour trouver une issue urgente au conflit du Sahara Occidentale, basée sur la justice et le droit, intervient à la veille de la visite de M. Christopher Ross et démontre, de manière on ne peut clair, la frustration du peuple sahraoui devant l’impasse et l’échec des Nations Unies dans la mise en application des résolutions pertinentes quant à la décolonisation du Sahara Occidental.

Bir-Lehlou , 15 Octobre 2010

Landmines in Western Sahara: A summary of 10 years

2010-10-11T12:03:00.000-07:00

Western Sahara

Ten-Year Summary
Both the Polisario Front and Moroccan forces used antipersonnel mines until the 1991 UN-monitored cease-fire. In 1999, a Polisario representative stated that it would join the Mine Ban Treaty if eligible to do so. In November 2005, Polisario proclaimed a ban on antipersonnel mines by signing the Geneva Call Deed of Commitment. Polisario has been destroying its stockpile of antipersonnel mines since 2006.

Western Sahara is contaminated with mines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). A 2008 survey by Landmine Action identified considerable contamination, particularly from unexploded submunitions and mines. Landmine Action initiated battle area clearance operations in 2008.

Between 1999 and 2008, Landmine Monitor identified 151 mine/ERW casualties in Western Sahara (44 people killed, 102 injured, and five unknown) with most casualties reported in 2006–2008. Casualty data collection improved over the past decade, but was incomplete and the number of casualties was probably under-reported. Intensive risk education was carried out from 1998–2000. After this, efforts were limited and mostly carried out by volunteers in programs that lacked the funding necessary for adequate dissemination of risk messages.

Victim assistance efforts have been limited throughout the past decade. Emergency transport remained inadequate and many mine/ERW survivors died before reaching assistance. Medical facilities in refugee camps lacked adequately trained staff and resources. Rehabilitation and prosthetics improved in 2008, with the start of an ICRC-supported program. Despite some assistance, there was an acute lack of economic opportunities for survivors and psychological support in refugee camps.

Mine Ban Policy
The sovereignty of Western Sahara remains the subject of a dispute between the government of Morocco and the Polisario Front (the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguía el Hamra and Río de Oro). Polisario’s Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) is a member of the African Union, but is not universally recognized. It has no official representation in the UN, which prevents formal accession to the Mine Ban Treaty. Polisario officials have, since 1999, stated that they would adhere to the Mine Ban Treaty if permitted to do so.

On 3 November 2005, Polisario Minister of Defense, Mohamed Lamine Buhali, committed Polisario unilaterally to a ban on antipersonnel mines through the Deed of Commitment administered by the NGO Geneva Call. The Deed pledges Polisario to a ban on use, production, transfer and stockpiling of antipersonnel mines, and to cooperation in mine action.

Use, production, transfer, and stockpiling
Both Polisario and the Royal Moroccan Armed Forces used mines extensively until the 1991 UN-monitored cease-fire. In the past decade, Morocco and Polisario have periodically traded accusations of new mine use, but both have denied it.[1] In October 2008, Moroccan officials told a visiting ICBL delegation that Polisaro rebels are still laying mines, but no concrete evidence has been presented.[2] In May 2009, however, Morocco told Landmine Monitor that it did not have any information about Polisario mine use in 2007 or 2008.[3]

Polisario is not known to have produced or exported antipersonnel mines. Polisario officials claim they acquired antipersonnel mines in the past by lifting them from Moroccan minefields, especially those around the berms (defensive earthen walls about three meters high).[4] Based on mines destroyed in 2006, 2007, and 2008, Polisario stocks have included antipersonnel mines of Belgian, Chinese, German, Israeli, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, Soviet, United Kingdom, and Yugoslav manufacture.[5]

Polisario has not revealed the total number of antipersonnel mines it possesses. In 2002, Polisario told Landmine Monitor that it no longer had a stockpile of antipersonnel mines, except for 1,606 disarmed mines on display in a military museum.[6] In January 2006, however, Polisario’s Chief Engineer told Landmine Monitor that its stockpile consisted of more than 10,000 antipersonnel and antivehicle mines.[7]

Polisario has undertaken three public destructions of stockpiled antipersonnel mines, pursuant to the Deed of Commitment. It destroyed a combined total of 8,637 antipersonnel mines in February 2006 (3,316 mines), February 2007 (3,321 mines), and May 2008 (2,000 mines).[8] Landmine Monitor had previously reported that the 2006 and 2007 destruction events included 284 antivehicle mines. Geneva Call, which requested clarification from Polisario, was told that the destroyed mines were MK1 antipersonnel mines, not K1 antivehicle mines. Polisario also said that mines recorded as FMP1 were actually Portuguese-made M969 mines.[9]

Scope of the Problem
Contamination
Western Sahara is contaminated with mines and ERW, especially cluster munition remnants and other UXO, although the precise extent of contamination is not known. More than 2,000km of berms were built during conflict in the 1980s, and remained after the 1991 cease-fire between Morocco and Polisario. Moroccan troops emplaced antipersonnel and antivehicle mines in and around the berms. Landmine Action has claimed that Western Sahara is “one of the most heavily mined territories in the world.”[10]

Landmine Action deployed to Western Sahara in 2006 and trained local operators to conduct a survey of dangerous areas and items. The survey, which concluded at the end of 2008, identified 154 cluster munition strike sites, 40 mined areas, one ammunition storage area, and 486 individual items requiring spot clearance.[11] It found that contamination is concentrated around water holes, traditional settlement sites, and transport routes and determined that unexploded submunitions pose the greatest threat to people and animals.[12] Landmine Action believes that further survey is required in the 5km buffer zone leading to the berms.[13]

Casualties
Casualty data is hard to obtain. From reports received, Landmine Monitor identified 26 casualties (nine killed, 16 injured, and one unknown) in Western Sahara in 2008, resulting from 16 mine/ERW/cluster munition incidents. Casualties included 12 adults (11 men, one of unknown gender), four children (three boys and one girl) and 10 casualties of unknown age (at least three of whom were male, the gender of the rest was unknown). Antivehicle mines caused 10 casualties, antipersonnel mines four, submunitions four, and unknown devices eight. Seven casualties occurred in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara (one killed and six injured) and 19 casualties occurred in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara (eight killed, 10 injured, and one unknown). The most common activities at the time of the incident were travel (seven), herding/tending livestock (six), and playing (three). The activities of the other casualties at the time of the incident were not known [14]

Morocco reported 11 mine/ERW casualties (three killed and eight injured) in an annex to its voluntary Article 7 report for calendar year 2008, in mine-affected provinces of Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara.[15] Mauritania’s National Humanitarian Demining Program for Development (Programme National de Déminage Humanitaire pour le Développement, PNDHD) reported that two men from Mauritania, both nomadic herders, became casualties in a mine incident in Western Sahara in 2008. It was not noted if they were killed or injured. [16] It is not clear if these casualties overlap with those identified by Landmine Monitor in 2008.

The 26 casualties identified in 2008 represent a decrease from the 36 mine/ERW casualties in 18 incidents identified in Western Sahara in 2007 (12 killed and 24 injured). However, reporting for 2008 is not thought to be comprehensive. In 2007, seven casualties also occurred in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara (three killed and four injured) and 29 in were reported in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara (nine killed and 20 injured).

Casualties continued to occur in 2009, with 22 reported as of 10 August. One person was killed and 21 injured in nine mine/ERW incidents, include one citizen of Mauritania. Eight casualties occurred in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara (all were injured) and 14 were reported in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara (one killed and 13 injured). Six casualties were caused by antipersonnel mines, 11 by antivehicle mines, four by unknown mine types, and one by ERW.[17] This number includes five people injured while crossing a mined area of the berm during a protest, some 70km from the Saharawi refugee camps.[18]

In 2009, PNDHD reported two Mauritanian casualties, both nomadic men in two separate incidents in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara. One incident was caused by an antipersonnel mine and the other by an antivehicle mine. Both casualties died while being transported to Mauritania for emergency medical assistance.[19] There was insufficient detail to ascertain if these casualties were included in other reporting for Western Sahara.

Between 1999 and 2008, Landmine Monitor identified 151 mine/ERW casualties in Western Sahara (44 people killed, 102 injured, and five unknown). The majority, 86 casualties, were reported in the period from 2006–2008. This was most likely due to improved casualty data collection in recent years. The total probably under-represents the actual number of casualties during the period.[20]The total number of mine/ERW casualties in Western Sahara is not known and many incidents may not be recorded; estimates of the number of casualties since 1975 range up to some 2,500 people.[21] According to official Polisario estimates found in the ICRC annual report there were some 450 mine/ERW survivors from Western Sahara among the refugee population living in camps in Algeria.[22] A Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) assessment in the Tindouf refugee camps in 2000 identified 320 landmine survivor amputees. The Saharawi Campaign to Ban Landmines (SCBL) registered 345 mine/ERW survivors from the refugee camps. The Moroccan Association of Mine Victims in Smara reported that in 2007 at least 100 mine survivors were living in Smara, in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara.

Risk profile
Based on casualty and survey data the people most at risk of mine/ERW incidents are nomads with their herds, children playing, and people driving cars or riding camels. Mine/ERW contamination is concentrated around water holes, traditional settlement sites, and transport routes.[23]

Program Management and Coordination
The UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) has established a mine action coordination center (MACC), which was upgraded from a mine action “cell” in February 2008. Western Sahara does not have official victim assistance or risk education coordination.

Data collection and management
The MACC began to collect mine/ERW casualty data in 2008, and data collection continued to improve in 2008–2009, though under-reporting likely continued.[24] Due to the lack of facilities—including hospitals—in Western Sahara, incidents in remote areas often go unreported. In addition, people who are injured by mines/ERW close to the vicinity of the buffer zone often do not seek medical assistance, due to the political situation.[25] As a result many of them unnecessarily die from their injuries.

As of June 2009, the MACC was not yet entering casualty data into the Information Management System for Mine Action (IMSMA). IMSMA was being adjusted to accept casualty data for 2009.[26] In October 2008, the MACC installed IMSMA at the Landmine Action office in Tifariti and provided training to both local and UK-based staff. The format of casualty data collection forms was finalized and they were being used by Landmine Action for entry of current incidents into IMSMA. No retrospective entry of casualty data had taken place as of August 2009. Landmine Action planned to work with the Chehid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre in Rabouni to verify casualty data at the center and enter it into IMSMA. [27]

The Collective of Saharawi Human Rights Defenders El-Aaiun Western Sahara (Collectif des défenseurs saharaouis des droits de l’homme El-Aaiun Sahara Occidental, CODESA) occasionally identified casualties reported in the media, but did not systematically report on casualties in 2008. In 2008, CODESA continued to operate informally, but a lack of legal status hindered its activities.[28] The SCBL did not provide casualty data to Landmine Monitor for 2008–2009.

Mine action program operators

National operators and activities
Demining
Risk education
Casualty data collection
Victim assistance

MINURSO/MACC
x

Chedid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre
x
x

Moroccan Red Crescent Society
x

International operators and activities
Demining
Risk education
Casualty data collection
Victim assistance

Landmine Action
x
x

ICRC
x

Plans
Strategic mine action plans
A strategic mine action plan is in place, and as of June 2009, an operational plan for MACC had been completed as well.[29]

Integration of mine action with reconstruction and development
From 2008–2009, Landmine Action conducted an assessment of how development could be supported in areas cleared of contamination by its clearance teams. The assessment identified the need to increase food security for semi-nomadic populations in the northern sector where water supplies are intermittent. Goat herders are said to be most affected by lack of water and take risks by entering known contaminated areas to reach water. Some have initiated their own agricultural schemes which face suspension in the dry season when water is insufficient and herders are forced to return to the refugee camps. A proposed project would build on current entrepreneurial efforts to facilitate access to water for herders, to be launched in areas where Landmine Action has cleared farmland.[30]

Local ownership
Commitment to mine action and victim assistance
In early 1999, Morocco and Polisario signed bilateral military agreements in which both parties agreed to cooperate with MINURSO in the exchange of mine-related information, marking of mined areas, and the clearance and destruction of mines and UXO in the presence of MINURSO observers. These agreements do not cover minefields along the berm and minefields that Morocco regards as an integral part of its defenses.[31]

Mine action standards/Standing operating procedures
Landmine Action uses its own standing operating procedures and works in accordance with Memorandum of Understandings it signed with MINURSO and Polisario.[32]

Demining and Battle Area Clearance
Landmine Action was the only international demining operator in Western Sahara in 2008. It conducted only battle area clearance (BAC) and explosive ordnance disposal in 2008, but was seeking funding in 2009 to equip and train teams to conduct mine clearance.[33]

Battle area clearance in 2008
In January 2008, while its survey was ongoing, Landmine Action began clearance operations. In June 2008, it completed clearance of the village of Budib and conducted its first community handover to the local population.[34] Results of Landmine Action BAC in 2008 are summarized below.

BAC in 2008[35]

Surface BAC* (m2)
Sub-surface BAC (m2)
Unexploded submunitions destroyed
Other UXO destroyed
Antipersonnel mines destroyed
Antivehicle mines destroyed

2,911,138
32,201
548
439
8
7

* Visual inspection

Risk Education
Moroccan authorities continued to report mine/ERW risk education (RE) in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara in 2008—to 12,600 herders and nomads in 12 provinces[36] MINURSO provided improved safety training for UN staff.[37] No activities were identified in the Polisario-controlled part of Western Sahara.[38]

RE was provided by the Moroccan Army, local authorities and representatives from rural communes, provincial health authorities, the provincial offices of the Moroccan Red Crescent Society, the Disabled Persons Support Association (Association d’Appui aux Personnes Handicapées), and the Moroccan Association of Mine Victims in 2008.[39]

The Moroccan Army and its Royal Moroccan Gendarmerie (state police under the military) conducted an RE campaign which included marking with warning signs, providing information to locals regarding forthcoming large-scale demining operations, and informing local people when the land had been cleared. An annual RE campaign is conducted through public outreach including conferences, media, pamphlets, and school visits to reach people likely to enter mine-affected areas.[40] Local volunteers were trained to disseminate RE. There was no permanent capacity to implement RE and authorities had to continuously retrain RE volunteers.[41]

A number of organizations have reported providing RE in past years, including, the Moroccan Association of Mine Victims (based in Smara) in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara in 2007, Landmine Action from 2006–2007, and the Saharawi Campaign to Ban Landmines from 2005–2007. From April 1998 to May 2000, NPA implemented a large-scale RE program for approximately 100,000 refugees in Western Sahara.

Victim Assistance
The total number of survivors is unknown; reporting has indicated that there are 450 survivors in the Rabouni refugee camps near Tindouf in southwestern Algeria and at least another 100 in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara. Due to a lack of comprehensive data, these are likely significant underestimates.[42]

People involved in mine/ERW incidents in remote areas continued to die from their wounds in the long periods before receiving medical attention.[43] There are no ambulances and survivors have to wait for a passing vehicle to take them to the nearest health facility, which may be hours away. MINURSO increased its emergency response capacity for UN personnel working in contaminated areas in Polisario-controlled areas.[44] On the Moroccan side of the berm, there are medical facilities in the towns of Dakhla, La’Youn, Ousserd, and Smara. Some survivors were also treated in nearby towns in Morocco.[45]

Persons with disabilities are among the most vulnerable in the Saharawi refugee camps in Algeria. A continuing lack of adequate medical care and the absence of understanding about disability issues increased the vulnerability and distress of disabled refugees in the camps.[46]

The Polisario authorities offer basic free healthcare for all Saharawis in each of the four refugee camps near Tindouf.[47] The refugee camps’ health system consists of “regional hospitals” in camps and a referral hospital in Rabouni as well as a psychiatric hospital. Medical issues that cannot be treated in the camps are referred to nearby Tindouf, or more distant facilities if necessary. Medical facilities in the camps lacked resources, and services were dependent on international aid for medicines and materials. There was a lack of continuity of medical staff because qualified doctors and nurses work on a volunteer basis. Inadequate coordination between donors and humanitarian agencies contributing to the health system in the camps was reported in 2009.[48]

The Chedid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre in the Rabouni refugee camp continued to provide rehabilitation and socio-economic assistance to mine/ERW survivors, but faced challenges in providing services due to a lack of resources.[49]

In May 2008, the ICRC officially started producing and fitting prosthetic and orthotic appliances at the physical rehabilitation center established in the Chedid Cherif Landmine and War Victims Centre in 2007. ICRC services were directed to persons with disabilities, including mine/ERW survivors and other persons with disabilities.[50] The new center can produce 80–100 prostheses annually, as well as producing other mobility devices and providing physiotherapy. The ICRC began training nine locally-hired staff, five prosthetic-orthotic technicians, and four physiotherapists to build the capacity and sustainability of the center, and provided management support. [51] In 2008, 50 people benefited from services at the center, 18 receiving prostheses (94% of them for mine survivors). Other mobility devices were also produced and most beneficiaries received physiotherapy.[52] An improvement in the manufacture of prostheses was noted following the increased ICRC support.[53]

There is pervasive unemployment in the refugee camps. Mine/ERW survivors and other persons with disabilities are among the worst affected. There was no suitable work and most remained permanently unemployed.[54] Polisario authorities and partner organizations in the camps have reportedly made significant efforts to assist persons with disabilities in economic reintegration, through income-generating schemes including small shops and a bakery.[55] In 2008, the NGO Triangle Génération Humanitaire (TGH) continued to provide economic reintegration assistance to the elderly and to persons with disabilities through centers in the four refugee camps. For 2008, TGH project staff were not aware of any direct program beneficiaries who were mine/ERW survivors.[56] Schools for children with disabilities, including physical disabilities, are run by Polisario in all of the Saharawi refugee camps.[57] Psychological support for those in the refugee camps is inadequate and the mental health needs of refugees are not systematically addressed.[58]

Morocco has reported that that the military makes land and air facilities available to transfer mine/ERW survivors to the nearest hospital, where they can receive medical care free of charge. Hospitals near mine-affected areas had their capacity increased in 2008.[59] Other accounts from mine survivors’ organizations have reported that mine/ERW survivors injured in areas of Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara need to pay for their own emergency transportation and medical costs at hospitals in both Western Sahara and Morocco.[60] An orthopedic center, including a prosthetics workshop and services for mine/ERW survivors, is connected to the in El Hassan hospital, La’Youn, in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara.[61] The ICRC Special Fund for the Disabled (SFD) had planned to provide assistance to the orthopedic center in La’Youn in 2008, but the plan was delayed due to “procedural obstacles.”[62]

Support for Mine Action
In 2008, Spain reported contributing US$294,520 (€200,000) to mine action in Western Sahara, for unspecified mine action via the UN Voluntary Trust Fund for Assistance in Mine Clearance.[63] Reported mine action funding in 2008 was 67% less than reported in 2007. No international funding reported to Landmine Monitor since 2000 has specifically addressed VA needs in Western Sahara.

Landmine Action reported overall support for its programming in Western Sahara from Germany and Norway, as well as from UNMAS and the Diana, Princess of Wales Memorial Fund.[64]

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] See, for example, Landmine Monitor Report 2003, p. 651; Landmine Monitor Report 2002, p. 717; and Landmine Monitor Report 2001, pp. 1,059–1,060.

[2] ICBL, “Mission Report: Morocco, 26–29 October 2008.”

[3] Permanent Mission of Morocco to the UN in Geneva, “Response to Questions from the Canadian NGO Mines Action Canada,” 18 May 2009.

[4] They may have acquired mines from other sources as well. Some of the stockpiled mines Polisario has destroyed are not known to have been in Morocco’s arsenal, such as those of Belgian, Portuguese and Yugoslav origin.

[5] “Observations made during field mission by Landmine Action UK,” provided by email from Landmine Action, 3 May 2006. See also, Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,095; and Landmine Monitor Report 2006, p. 1,196.

[6] Response to Landmine Monitor questionnaire by Polisario, 27 June 2002.

[7] Interview with Mohammed Fadel Sidna, Chief Engineer, Second Military Regiment, Tifariti, 15 January 2006.

[8] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,118; Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,095; and Landmine Monitor Report 2006, p. 1,196. The mines included: 96 M-35 (Belgium); six Type 58 (China); 5,480 VS-50 (Italy); 146 SB-33 (Italy); 76 M966 (Portugal); 20 M969 (Portugal); nine MAI75 (Romania); 303 MK1 [or Number 7] (UK); 109 PMD-6 (USSR); 1,490 PMD-6M (USSR); 12 PMN (USSR); 60 POMZ-2M (USSR); 535 PROM-1 (Yugoslavia); 267 VS-33 (unknown type, presumably Italian); 22 “NEGRO” (unknown type, attributed to Israeli origin); and six E-58 (unknown type, attributed to German origin).

[9] Geneva Call, “Information for Landmine Monitor 2009,” June 2009, received by email from Anne-Kathrin Glatz, Program Officer, Geneva Call, 5 June 2009.

[10] Landmine Action, “Western Sahara 2007 Activities,” London, April 2008, p. 2; and email from Melissa Fuerth, Operations Officer, Landmine Action, 19 June 2008.

[11] Melissa Fuerth, “Remnants of War: the legacy of armed conflict in Western Sahara,” Landmine Action campaign article provided by email from Melissa Fuerth, 20 February 2009.

[12] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Email from Tammy Hall, Senior Technical Advisor for Mine Action, MINURSO/MACC 29 June 2009; email from James Mbogo, IMSMA Officer, MINURSO/MACC, 19 August 2009; and email from Penelope Caswell, GIS Officer, Landmine Action, 16 July 2009.

[15] Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, “Annex,” April 2009.

[16]Telephone interview with Lt.-Col. Alioune O. Mohamed El Hacen, Coordinator, PNDHD, 24 June 2009.

[17] Email from James Mbogo, MINURSO/MACC, 19 August 2009; and email from Penelope Caswell, Landmine Action, 16 July 2009.

[18] Saharawi Journalists and Writers Union (Unión de Periodistas y Escritores Saharauis, UPES), “Five Saharawis injured by landmine blast during peaceful protest against Moroccan wall in Western Sahara,” 10 April 2009, www.upes.org.

[19] Interview with Lt.-Col. Alioune O. Mohamed El Hacen, PNDHD, in Geneva, 27 May 2009.

[20] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,122 (36 casualties in 2007); Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,099 (24 casualties in 2006); Landmine Monitor Report 2006, p. 1,199 (two casualties in 2005 and no confirmed casualties in 2004); Landmine Monitor Report 2004, pp. 1,221–1,222 (one casualty in 2003; four casualties in 2002; three casualties in 2001; four casualties in 2000 in one incident); and Landmine Monitor Report 2001, p. 1,037 (51 military casualties in 2000–2001).

[21] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,124; and Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,100.

[22] ICRC, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, 27 May 2009, p. 375.

[23] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009; and see Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,123.

[24] Telephone interview with Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009.

[25] Email from Penelope Caswell, Landmine Action, 16 July 2009.

[26] Telephone interview with Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009.

[27] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009; and telephone interview with Penelope Caswell, Landmine Action, 19 August 2009.

[28] US Department of State, “2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Western Sahara,” Washington, DC, 25 February 2009; and Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,123.

[29] Email from Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 9 September 2009.

[30] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009.

[31] See Landmine Monitor Report 2007, p. 1,097.

[32] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 19 June 2008.

[33] Ibid, 20 February 2009.

[34] Melissa Fuerth, “Remnants of War: the legacy of armed conflict in Western Sahara,” Landmine Action campaign article provided by email, 20 February 2009.

[35] Email from Melissa Fuerth, Landmine Action, 20 February 2009.

[36] Moroccan Voluntary Article 7 Report, ‘Annex,’ April 2009.

[37] “Report of the Secretary-General on the situation concerning Western Sahara,” (New York: UN Security Council, 13 April 2009), S/2009/200, para. 28, p. 7.

[38] Telephone interview with Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009; email from Gaici Nah Bachir, Association of Saharawi Victims of Mines (ASAVIM), 24 March 2009.

[39] Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, ‘Annex,’ April 2009; and see Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 940.

[40] Interview with El Arbi Mrabet, Governor, and Hamid Barez, Adjoint Coordinator, Office of the Coordination with MINURSO, Ministry of Interior, Rabat, 29 October 2008; statement of Morocco, Standing Committee on the General Status and Operation of the Convention, Geneva, 25 May 2009; and Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, Form I, April 2009.

[41] Interview with El Arbi Mrabet and Hamid Barez, Ministry of Interior, Rabat, 29 October 2008.

[42] Estimate based on official Polisario estimate of 450 mine/ERW survivors from Western Sahara amongst the refugee population living in camps in Algeria. ICRC, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, 27 May 2009, p. 375; and Moroccan Association of Mine Victims reporting at least 100 mine survivors in Smara. See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,124.

[43] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009; and Landmine Monitor analysis of casualty data provided by email from Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009.

[44] “Report of the Secretary-General on the situation concerning Western Sahara,” (New York: UN Security Council, 13 April 2009), S/2009/200, paras. 27 and 28, p. 6.

[45] Landmine Monitor analysis of casualty data provided by email from Tammy Hall, MINURSO/MACC, 29 June 2009; Morocco Voluntary Article 7 Report, “Annex,” April 2009; Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,125; and see the report on Morocco in this edition of Landmine Monitor.

[46] TGH, “Improve the Living Conditions and Restore Basic Livelihoods of Disabled People in Saharawi Refugee Camps,” undated, www.trianglegh.org.

[47] See Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,125. The Sarahwi refugee camps in Algeria have identical names to these towns in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara, which may sometimes cause confusion as to the location of medical facilities.

[48] European Commission (EC), “Supporting document to the Commission Decision on the approval and financing of a 2009 GLOBAL PLAN For humanitarian actions from the budget of the European Communities in Algeria, ECHO/DZA/BUD/2009/01000,”, April 2009, p. 4, ec.europa.eu.

[49] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009.

[50] ICRC, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, 27 May 2009, p. 329.

[51] Ibid, p. 375; and ICRC, “Physical Rehabilitation Programme: Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, May 2009, p. 59.

[52] ICRC, “Physical Rehabilitation Programme: Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, May 2009, pp. 58–59.

[53] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009.

[54] Ibid.

[55] TGH, “Improve the Living Conditions and Restore Basic Livelihoods of Disabled People in Saharawi Refugee Camps,” undated, www.trianglegh.org.

[56] Email from Anne Trehondart, Project Manager, TGH, 7 April 2009.

[57] Timothy Kustusch, “Saharawi school sets standard in education for disabled,” UPES, 31 March 2009, www.upes.org.

[58] EC, “Supporting document to the Commission Decision on the approval and financing of a 2009 Global Plan for humanitarian actions from the budget of the European Communities in Algeria, ECHO/DZA/BUD/2009/01000,” April 2009, p. 4, ec.europa.eu.

[59] Statement of Morocco, Ninth Meeting of State Parties, Geneva, 26 November 2008; and interview with the Director of the Gelmim Military Hospital, Gelmim, 27 October 2008 in ICBL, “Mission Report: Morocco, 26–29 October 2008.”

[60] Email from Gaici Nah Bachir, ASAVIM, 15 August 2009; and Landmine Monitor Report 2008, p. 1,125.

[61] Interview with El Arbi Mrabet and Hamid Barez, Ministry of Interior, Rabat, 29 October 2008.

[62] ICRC SFD, “Annual Report 2008,” Geneva, April 2009, p. 23.

[63] Spain Article 7 Report, Form J, 30 April 2009.

[64] Landmine Action, “Survey and clearance - Western Sahara”, www.landmineaction.org.

Noam Chomsky : Les dix stratégies de manipulation de masses

2010-10-03T09:42:00.000-07:00

Noam Chomsky : Les dix stratégies de manipulation de masses
Le gouvernement marocain suit minutieusement les dix stratégies de Chomsky pour maintenir le peuple marocain muselé.

Au Maroc, cette stratégie a créé une climat de délire dans lequel le misérable qui n'a pas mangé depuis des jours se sente dans "le plus beau pays du monde".

Parmi les stratégies qui ont eu le plus de succès, le climat de faux nationalisme pour camoufler les véritables raisons qui ont conduit le Maroc à envahir le Sahara Occidental et maintenir le pays dans un état de guerre depuis plus de 36 ans. L'intégrité territoriale a été bien vendue pour cacher les directives des maîtres occidentaux de Rabat.

Voici les dix stratégies de Chomsky resumées par le journal Jijel-Info.

Le linguiste nord-américain Noam Chomsky a élaboré une liste des « Dix Stratégies de Manipulation » à travers les média. Nous la reproduisons ici. Elle détaille l'éventail, depuis la stratégie de la distraction, en passant par la stratégie de la dégradation jusqu'à maintenir le public dans l'ignorance et la médiocrité.

1/ La stratégie de la distraction

Élément primordial du contrôle social, la stratégie de la diversion consiste à détourner l’attention du public des problèmes importants et des mutations décidées par les élites politiques et économiques, grâce à un déluge continuel de distractions et d’informations insignifiantes.

Noam Chomsky

La stratégie de la diversion est également indispensable pour empêcher le public de s’intéresser aux connaissances essentielles, dans les domaines de la science, de l’économie, de la psychologie, de la neurobiologie, et de la cybernétique.

« Garder l’attention du public distraite, loin des véritables problèmes sociaux, captivée par des sujets sans importance réelle. Garder le public occupé, occupé, occupé, sans aucun temps pour penser; de retour à la ferme avec les autres animaux. » Extrait de « Armes silencieuses pour guerres tranquilles »

2/ Créer des problèmes, puis offrir des solutions

Cette méthode est aussi appelée « problème-réaction-solution ». On crée d’abord un problème, une « situation » prévue pour susciter une certaine réaction du public, afin que celui-ci soit lui-même demandeur des mesures qu’on souhaite lui faire accepter. Par exemple: laisser se développer la violence urbaine, ou organiser des attentats sanglants, afin que le public soit demandeur de lois sécuritaires au détriment de la liberté. Ou encore : créer une crise économique pour faire accepter comme un mal nécessaire le recul des droits sociaux et le démantèlement des services publics.

3/ La stratégie de la dégradation

Pour faire accepter une mesure inacceptable, il suffit de l’appliquer progressivement, en « dégradé », sur une durée de 10 ans. C’est de cette façon que des conditions socio-économiques radicalement nouvelles (néolibéralisme) ont été imposées durant les années 1980 à 1990. Chômage massif, précarité, flexibilité, délocalisations, salaires n’assurant plus un revenu décent, autant de changements qui auraient provoqué une révolution s’ils avaient été appliqués brutalement.

4/ La stratégie du différé

Une autre façon de faire accepter une décision impopulaire est de la présenter comme « douloureuse mais nécessaire », en obtenant l’accord du public dans le présent pour une application dans le futur. Il est toujours plus facile d’accepter un sacrifice futur qu’un sacrifice immédiat. D’abord parce que l’effort n’est pas à fournir tout de suite. Ensuite parce que le public a toujours tendance à espérer naïvement que « tout ira mieux demain » et que le sacrifice demandé pourra être évité. Enfin, cela laisse du temps au public pour s’habituer à l’idée du changement et l’accepter avec résignation lorsque le moment sera venu.

5/ S’adresser au public comme à des enfants en bas-âge

La plupart des publicités destinées au grand-public utilisent un discours, des arguments, des personnages, et un ton particulièrement infantilisants, souvent proche du débilitant, comme si le spectateur était un enfant en bas-age ou un handicapé mental. Plus on cherchera à tromper le spectateur, plus on adoptera un ton infantilisant. Pourquoi ? « Si on s’adresse à une personne comme si elle était âgée de 12 ans, alors, en raison de la suggestibilité, elle aura, avec une certaine probabilité, une réponse ou une réaction aussi dénuée de sens critique que celles d’une personne de 12 ans ». Extrait de « Armes silencieuses pour guerres tranquilles »

6/ Faire appel à l’émotionnel plutôt qu’à la réflexion

Faire appel à l’émotionnel est une technique classique pour court-circuiter l’analyse rationnelle, et donc le sens critique des individus. De plus, l’utilisation du registre émotionnel permet d’ouvrir la porte d’accès à l’inconscient pour y implanter des idées, des désirs, des peurs, des pulsions, ou des comportements…

7/ Maintenir le public dans l’ignorance et la bêtise

Faire en sorte que le public soit incapable de comprendre les technologies et les méthodes utilisées pour son contrôle et son esclavage. « La qualité de l’éducation donnée aux classes inférieures doit être la plus pauvre, de telle sorte que le fossé de l’ignorance qui isole les classes inférieures des classes supérieures soit et demeure incompréhensible par les classes inférieures. Extrait de « Armes silencieuses pour guerres tranquilles »

8/ Encourager le public à se complaire dans la médiocrité

Encourager le public à trouver « cool » le fait d’être bête, vulgaire, et inculte…

9/ Remplacer la révolte par la culpabilité

Faire croire à l’individu qu’il est seul responsable de son malheur, à cause de l’insuffisance de son intelligence, de ses capacités, ou de ses efforts. Ainsi, au lieu de se révolter contre le système économique, l’individu s’auto-dévalue et culpabilise, ce qui engendre un état dépressif dont l’un des effets est l’inhibition de l’action. Et sans action, pas de révolution!…

10/ Connaître les individus mieux qu’ils ne se connaissent eux-mêmes

Au cours des 50 dernières années, les progrès fulgurants de la science ont creusé un fossé croissant entre les connaissances du public et celles détenues et utilisées par les élites dirigeantes. Grâce à la biologie, la neurobiologie, et la psychologie appliquée, le « système » est parvenu à une connaissance avancée de l’être humain, à la fois physiquement et psychologiquement. Le système en est arrivé à mieux connaître l’individu moyen que celui-ci ne se connaît lui-même. Cela signifie que dans la majorité des cas, le système détient un plus grand contrôle et un plus grand pouvoir sur les individus que les individus eux-mêmes.

Jijel-Info, 1/10/2010

Testimonie from Western Sahara

2010-10-02T10:45:00.000-07:00

A London-based journalist, broadcaster and human rights campaigner, 2010 Comment Awards nominee Stefan Simanowitz writes for publications in the UK and around the world including: the Independent, the Guardian, the Financial Times, Prospect the New Statesman, In These Times, the New Internationalist, and the Mail & Guardian. He has worked with Nelson Mandela and the ANC during South Africa’s first democratic election campaign and chairs the Free Western Sahara Campaign and the Westminster Committee on Iran. He has a background in law and worked for Liberty, the European Commission as well as attending the Truth and Reconciliation Hearings in South Africa. He also writes on travel and culture, music reviews, books, film and theatre and takes photographs to accompany his reviews and reportage. Website

The Other Afrik - North Africa - Algeria - Morocco - Western Sahara
Running the gauntlet: Silent Saharawis protest on streets of Western Sahara
Friday 1 October 2010 / by Stefan Simanowitz, for the other afrik

“They tore off my clothes leaving me naked in front of their ferocious eyes,” twenty year-old Nguia El Haouasi tells me describing an ordeal she suffered last year at the hands of Moroccan police. As a campaigner for self-determination of her native Western Sahara she has been arrested many times. On this occasion she was released after just 24 hours but not before she had been beaten and tortured.
I met Nguia, a delicate young woman, at an international conference in Algiers last weekend. At the end of the conference whilst other delegates were flying home in comfort, Nguia along with 72 other human rights defenders from Western Sahara would have to run the gauntlet of returning to their home in Layoune where they knew the Moroccan police would be waiting. The human rights defenders decided to stagger their travel, flying in three separate groups accompanied by international observers and journalists.
The first group arrived on Monday and despite a large and intimidating police presence, they were allowed to pass unmolested. The second group were not so fortunate. On Wednesday evening as the 28 activists came out of the airport terminal the police closed in. “They started shoving, punching and kicking indiscriminately" said one of the observers Carmelo Ramirez, president of the Federation of Institutions in solidarity with the Sahara (FEDISSAH). “One young activist, Mohamed Mayara, was seriously wounded by a blow to the head.” According to Ramirez, Mayara "chose not to go to hospital out of fear” and was instead treated in an ambulance where he received several stitches to his head and lip. Spanish actor Guillermo Toledo who travelled with the human rights defenders from Algiers was attempting to record the assaults on his mobile phone when he was also targeted. “Several police men jumped on me, pulling me down, kicking and punching me." He suffered a fractured finger.
The third group arrived on Thursday evening and managed to travel to the house where Saharawi activists had gathered to celebrate their return. Around 100 police had also turned up and surrounded the house. Holding hands and with their mouths taped-up 94 activists held a sit-down protest in the street in front of the bristling police. According to Spanish journalist Laura Gallego who was there, the police were “plunged into confusion” and stood by, uncertain how to react. The protest was heralded by Saharawi human rights activist, Asfari Ennaama, as an important victory. "Our silence said so much. Our silence was an eloquent denouncation of the repression to which we subjected, our lack of freedom and the violation of our rights."
This Friday marks the first anniversary of the arrest of several prominent human rights defenders who were arrested in Casablanca airport after returning from a visit to the refugee camps in Algeria where around 165,000 Saharawi have lived in exile for over 35 years. Three of the activists - Brahim Dahane, president of ASVDH, Ali Salem Tamek, Vice-President of CODESA, Ahmed Naciri vice president Samara Saharawi Human Rights Committee – are still imprisoned in Sale jail, Rabat awaiting trial by a military tribunal. If found guilty of ’treason’ they could face the death sentence. Meanwhile over 20 expert witnesses are expected to give testimony of human rights abuses in occupied Western Sahara to the United Nations Decolonisation Committee in New York next week. Campaigners will also gather there to call for the United Nations to immediately enforce Security Council resolutions requiring a referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara.
At the conference in Algiers the human rights defenders had been in buoyant mood. After having given their testimony - which included many horrific stories of torture, rape and sodomy - they mingled easily with the delegates who represented over twenty countries. Forty-year old Ibrahim Brahim Saber, an activist who has been in and out of prison since the age of sixteen was well aware of the risks he faced in returning home to Layoune. “I have been beaten and tortured many times and in many ways” he said. “But none of us have chosen this life of struggle. We were born into it.”

The monarchs and Slavery in Morocco

2010-09-23T09:54:00.000-07:00

President Abdelaziz on CNN Spanish Version

2010-09-22T15:49:00.000-07:00

Sáhara. Memoria y olvido

2010-09-14T06:42:00.000-07:00

width="57" height="90" class="photo" border="0" />

Sáhara. Memoria y olvido

Yolanda Sobero

Histórico Acuerdo de la Cámara de Diputados de Chile insta al inmediato reconocimiento de la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática.

2010-09-03T08:27:00.000-07:00

NOTA DE PRENSA

Histórico Acuerdo de la Cámara de Diputados de Chile insta al inmediato reconocimiento de la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática.

La Cámara de Diputados de la República de Chile ha aprobado el Jueves 02 de Agosto, la resolución Nº 134 mediante la cuál “solicita a SE el Presidente de la República, activa y encarecidamente, por razones históricas constitutivas a la nación chilena, honrar definitivamente la palabra de Chile procediendo sin mas dilación al reconocimiento de la RASD y al inmediato establecimiento de las relaciones diplomáticas entre ambos países”.

El acuerdo, tramitado inicialmente el 08 de Agosto, a solicitud de 30 diputados y con la adhesión de alrededor de 60 miembros de la Cámara, pone en consideración que desde 1975, el Reino de Marruecos procedió a ocupar militarmente territorio del Sahara Occidental, dando origen a un conflicto que mantiene enfrentado a dicho país con el pueblo saharaui, habitante ancestral del mencionado territorio.

Que con motivo de la guerra contra la ocupación extranjera, prosigue la resolución, el pueblo saharaui ha debido enfrentar graves y sistemáticas violaciones a sus derechos humanos por parte de la ocupación extranjera.

En este sentido, Cámara de Diputados recuerda que ante el agravamiento de dicha situación, había condenado enérgicamente las violaciones sistemáticas a los derechos humanos en el Sahara Occidental, en su Proyecto de Acuerdo Nº 02 aprobado el 18 de Marzo de 2010.

El Embajador Saharaui en misión para Chile, Mohamed Zrug, al destacar altamente el valor histórico y político del acuerdo, agradecía en un mensaje dirigido a los diputados y diputadas sus compromisos por hacer justicia con un tema pendiente y de alta trascendencia para ambas naciones, al mismo tiempo que expresaba su deseo, en que el Gobierno de la República corresponda satisfactoriamente al acuerdo aprobado por el congreso de los diputados.

Un grupo de legisladores en representación de todas las fuerzas políticas representadas en la Cámara, llevara ante el gobierno en los sucesivos días el texto aprobado, para su conocimiento y valoración.

New Association in Smara, Western Sahara

2010-08-07T12:20:00.000-07:00

انطلاقا من الواقع المتردي لحقوق الانسان باقليم الصحراء الغربية كمنطقة متنازع عليها بين المملكة المغربية وجبهة البوليساريو لازيد من ثلاثة عقود ومايثيره هدا الوضع من معاناة تنعكس على سكان إقليم الصحراء الغربية .حيث يلاحظ تزايد حدة قمع المظاهرات ومصادرة الحريات و متابعة النشطاء الحقوقيين بهذا الاقليم من طرف السلطات الأمنية المغربية بل و تنظيم محاكمات صورية لمدافعين عن حقوق الإنسان .والزج بهم في السجون بأحكام قاسية .وقطع أرزاقهم .

. كل هذه الممارسات تستهدف الحد من تنامي الحركة الحقوقية الصحراوية وفرملة نشاطها في المتمثل في رصد ومتابعة وفضح الإنتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان التي تنفذها الدولة المغربية

. أمام هذه الوضعية إرتئينا نحن مجموعة من المعتقلين السياسيين السابقين والنشطاء الحقوقيين الصحراويين .تشكيل منظمة صحراوية تعنى بحقوق الإنسان تستهدف إشاعة ثقافة إحترام هذه الحقوق والدفاع عنها والتبليغ عن الخروقات المرتكبة وإغناء التجربة الحقوقية الصحراوية بصفة عامة.

تحت إسم – منظمة شمس الحرية للدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء ألغربية –

. والتي تضم كل من

. -الناصيري احمد *معتقل رأي بسجن سلا المغربية * رئيسا للمظمة.

. -الشيخ بنعلال *معتقل سياسي سابق *نائبا للرئيس.

. -ددي احمادة* معتقل سياسي سابق *كاتبا عاما.

-احمد الموساوي* معتقل سياسي سابق*نائب الكاتب العام.

نظيرة ميلد *مكلفة بالصندوق*.

لالة سلكها بيبا*نائبة المكلفة بالصندوق*.

ابراهيم الشيخي * معتقل سياسي سابق*.مستشار.

ديدا عبد السلام* معتقل سياسي سابق*. مستشار.

تناخة عثمان* معتقل سياسي سابق*. مستشار.

كلتوم بصير *مستشارة

Sign the Petition for Fish Elsewhere

2010-07-26T09:41:00.000-07:00

http://fishelsewhere.eu/index.php?dl=fr
http://fishelsewhere.eu/index.php?parse_news=single&cat=195&art=1022

Western Sahara and the Sahrawis: a Cross-Road or a New Road-Map?

2010-05-26T13:26:00.000-07:00

Western Sahara and the Sahrawis: a Cross-Road or a New Road-Map.
BY: Mohamed-Brahim

The Western Sahara deadlock has been taking place for many years and caused a lot of misery, suffering, debates, and frustration among other things. The UN-brokered peace plan has only contributed to more grievance and false hopes. Yet in Western Sahara, recent civilian nonviolent resistance has greatly impacted the lives of the Sahrawis and changed political calculations. Oppression, beatings, torture, imprisonment, unfair trails have only pushed Sahrawis to go on further and challenge the Moroccan "Makhzen" (regime), thus raising more awareness about the Sahrawis and their situation. The emergence of a Sahrawi civil society is now highly recognized as it is more active now than ever. The UN Security Council keeps ignoring the Sahrawis’ plea for human rights monitoring, but France continues to block it. One can only ask the following question: Are we entering a new era in the peace process of Western Sahara where a new road-map is being jotted down by the so called “Group of Friends”? Or is it a cross-roads for the Sahrawis in the unfinished quest for an independent state? For many decades, hope was out there calling out for Sahrawis: Hope for an independent country where Sahrawis can exercise their sovereignty over their land, and enjoy the liberty and the freedom they should have had years ago, before the Moroccan invasion of 1975. There were many wars, battles, and also too much blood shed and spilled for the sake of that land. The year 1991 was a decisive year when the Polisario and Morocco agreed to a cease fire and the organization of a referendum. People cherished the decision and everyone saluted the courageous peace-makers. But at what price then? Sahrawis in the refugees camps packed up their earthly modest belongings and stayed put for the long-awaited dream to come true: Waited for that beautiful day where they would embrace their own land and hug their own siblings on the other side of Morocco’s wall. The hope for a referendum evaporated in the amid the dry Lahmada, and the dream turned into a simple mirage. People got desperate and many felt betrayed by their own leadership and the International Community. It was a bitter feeling. The UN, from certain people’s perspective, has only added to their misery and contaminated their life with false promises and brought about the downfall of their own sense of glory, while bringing a celebrated sense of triumph to some others. The Polisario leadership made a fatal mistake by agreeing to the cease-fire treaty and accepting to abide by the International Legality. The Sahrawis paid a high price for peace, and the impasse is what they are getting in return. Morocco took advantage of the situation and strengthened its berm, reinforced the army, and trained its skilled soldiers. This period has also benefitted Morocco where by more “settlements" were built in the occupied Western Sahara, and more Moroccan settlers were brought in to "subdue" the Sahrawis, who became a minority in their own land. This allowed Moroccan to come up with so called autonomy initiative to rule out the option of a Referendum on Self-determination. Huge sums of money are spent on lobbying and bribing for the sake of autonomy and to legitimize the illegal occupation of Western Sahara. Among these strategies, the Moroccan people are being brainwashed continuously to provide support; together all the sniveling voices around the monarchy thus insure their submission and unquestioned loyalty. The Sahrawis, for their own sake, did not give up and we witnessed the first and ongoing Intifada. "The Independence Intifada" emerged amidst frustration, oppression, and a new will to triumph and to stand up. This time the civil nonviolent resistance came from within the mass of unrivaled Sahrawi generations inside the occupied territories. Why did it burst out? How? And what did Sahrawis gain from it so far? The Intifada of May 2005 is still striking back hard at the Morocco’s oppressive regime. It is not the first popular non-violent resistance the Sahara has known. There were many uprisings and demonstration in the history of the Sahrawis struggle, but this one is, by far, the toughest one and the longest one. It emerged abruptly and spontaneously. Everyone applauded and showed solidarity. The more civilians protested against occupation, the more enraged the regime became. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Frontline, the World Organization against Torture and many other human rights organizations followed the situation, interviewed Sahrawis and studied the case. Media started talking about the silenced voices which came rising like an erupting volcano. It was like the rebirth of a myth. A myth of people’s power. A personification of a strong will to say no and to stop the aggression. The whole world is witnessing a new face of the struggle. It evolved around one solid truth: "The Sahrawis will never surrender." Sahrawis flags on poles, graffiti on walls, demonstration, uprisings, and hunger-strikes from inside and outside prisons. Morocco felt that the whole world was crumbling around it; the Intifada proved to be an effective weapon aimed to shorten the life-span of the occupation. The UN sends in a human rights delegation to investigate. Yet, its report could be not published because France stopped it. The EU sends in its own delegations. Moroccan is faulted but. silence is the only response. The Intifada has completed more than five years, leaving Sahrawis still in limbo. True enough, Sahrawis gained respect, solidarity, and the world’s admiration. Yet, there are still the refugee camps, the diaspora, and the illegal plundering of Western Sahara’s natural resources. The conflict seems to be caught in a knotted web, a chess game. The world’s decision making countries list the Western Sahara at the bottom of their agenda. The new world order has seemingly excluded the Western Sahara from its political and economic map. In recent years, and in parallel with the Intifada, the Polisario has developed many new strategies: Film festivals, arts festivals, marathons, conferences, TV broadcasts, and a Sahrawi delegations visit the other side of berm. Indeed, these new tactics did not go unanswered by Morocco. The Moroccan regime activated Moroccan communities abroad, the associations, the political parties, and engaged all pro-Moroccans into a feverish war to re-launch its own propaganda and thus launching a new war against Sahrawis everywhere. The Western Sahara conflict is no longer monopolized by the palace nor by the elite, though its sequences are still solidly directed and advised by the king and his close circle. During recent events, Sahrawis realized that they are not fighting Moroccans, but rather fighting France. France is the "Guardian Angel". The cornerstone in this complicated formula. Apparently, Morocco is no longer leading the war nor abiding by international legality as long as France is out there ready to defend, attack, and block any UNSC resolution in favor of the Sahrawis and their legitimate sole representative: the Polisario. James Baker, John Bolton, Kofi Annan, Ban ki Moon, Christopher Ross ... etc. All are names of high-ranked politicians or leaders who tackled, firsthand, the issue of Western Sahara but with no results so far. Moroccan is pushing hard for its autonomy initiative while the Polisario has presented many approaches to the conflict, and has made many concessions. So far, the only signs of improvements are the exchange of family visits to and from the refugee camps, the commitment to enact plans to destroy landmines, and the will to continue the process of negotiations. The question still remains: Did the Moroccans trick the Sahrawis into this stalemate? Did the Sahrawis miscalculate? Did something go wrong along the line?. The UN’s recent resolutions called for the extention of the MINURSO mandate, and for the parties to engage in negotiations without conditions, while it also called for innovation and imagination. The Polisario, a few days before the recent UNSC resolution, threatened to revise the nature of its relation with the MINURSO. Yet, the threat was not considered serious and no immediate action has been so far. The young generations feel they are being left behind and their voices are not heard. They are ready to shout out loud and clear if given the OK by the Polisario. There is a general consensus that war will be the sting Moroccan need in times like this. The world would not do anything unless there is blood shed. Their patience has limits, and pressure is building up on both sides of the berm. What Sahrawis need to do is: 1- To stop dealing with MINURSO and no longer cooperate with them, as MINURSO has nothing to offer. As long as MINURSO does not provide a timetable for a referendum on independence, its mandate should be considered a dead letter. 2- Sahrawis everywhere ought to demonstrate in front of MINURSO offices and Headquarters. Those abroad can organize sit-ins in front of the UN offices. All demonstrators can hand their MINURSO sponsored, identification documents with a black line on the upper right corner to symbolize MINURSO’s death. 3- Sahrawis have to twist the arm of France by seeking out a more powerful ally, preferably a member of UNSC; they can also dictate their own terms by threatening to turn the French-speaking countries against it, especially in Africa. This will prove effective if more help and action are provided by Algeria and strong African allies. 4- Sahrawis can ask apply for the membership of the Hispanidad. Spain will not be, thus, isolated and threatened. Spain’s economic and cultural ties are strong with Latin America more than with Morocco. This, if done, will be a victorious move and Sahrawis would no longer fear any Spanish Interference. 5- A call for Sahrawi national unity should be made. Associations operating in the Western Sahara have to work hand in hand for the greater good. Involving the new generations in the decision-making will bring new fresh ideas. Also, organization and guidance should be the general main frame in which everyone should think and act and react. Thinking out of the box will not mean bringing about untraditional ideas and applying them. 6- Sahrawis do not have to open Pandora’s Box to come up with creative ideas and tactics. Everything is out there for them to grab. Financing action has always been a challenge. Yet, the Polisario can always think about investing some money here and there to keep resistance alive. The activists and the Intifada youth need support and resources to continue the struggle. If given the smallest amount of financial resources, they can achieve more results. 7-The mobilization of every tool and every skilled person we have, including all non Sahrawis and who are, and to whom Sahrawis are grateful, working around the clock to raise awareness and to unmask Morocco’s atrocities and conspiracies. Mobilization of financial funds and money trusts should be put to test. The Polisario ought to think about investing money in foreign markets to be able to sponsor its operations, especially in the occupied territory. The international aid is not enough and is diminishing and is being used as a strategic tool against the Sahrawis by certain powers to pressure them into more concessions. 8- The Sahrawis should think about forming an active team to study all facets of situations and gather all information that is related to the Sahrawi conflict with all that it might entail. A futuristic vision and a deep insight should be the goal for that team. Once all data is piled up and studied on a daily basis, reports should be generated and evaluated and then sent to all those concerned for better decision making. They ought to have a certain kind of strategic planning for the good of their own people. Last and not least, mapping the future can be engraved by Sahrawis themselves without even seeking the help from outside. Despite the fact they are a minority, Sahrawis do, in fact, have a lot to offer. Great skills come from deep impacts. Resources are out there but they just need to select them wisely and to make the right decision. Times are changing, and Sahrawis have to change with them and learn from past experiences. It is never too late to look back and to get ready for more powerful action. The Western Sahara Republic is a FACT and it will establish its existence whether Morocco likes it or not. The question is: Will the Sahrawis go for next step or not? It is a choice and when you have a choice and a road-map, which would be easy to figure out where a clean vision is omnipresent.

Norway and Switzerland: Western Sahara "not part of EFTA-Morocco free trade"

2010-05-13T21:25:00.000-07:00

| Western Sahara
Politics | Economy - Development
Western Sahara "not part of EFTA-Morocco free trade"
afrol News, 13 May - The Moroccan-EFTA free trade agreement does not cover Western Sahara, according to a clarification by Norwegian and Swiss authorities. Also the US-Moroccan free trade agreement excludes Western Sahara, leaving only the EU including the occupied territory.

The clarification was made by Norwegian Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre in Oslo parliament this week. "Since Morocco does not exercise internationally recognised sovereignty over Western Sahara, Western Sahara is not seen as a part of Morocco's territory in relation to this agreement. The Free Trade Agreement is thus not applicable to goods from Western Sahara," stated Mr Støre.

The government of Switzerland has made recent and similar clarifications, leaving the EFTA trade block's two major economies on the same course. EFTA, existing since 1960, also comprises of Iceland and Liechtenstein, and is closely associated to the European Union (EU).

The clarification from Minster Støre follows an import scandal that has been unrolled in Norwegian media over the last weeks, involving the president of the Norwegian business association, millions of euros in tax evasions, ministers and refugees. As a result of the affair, it has become clear that the practice of EFTA is in stark contrast to the policy fronted by the European Commission on trade with goods from occupied Western Sahara.

EFTA in 1997 signed an association agreement with Morocco. Exports from Morocco to the four EFTA states was thus made far easier, but created a loophole, giving importers a chance to export products from occupied Western Sahara free of duty if mislabelling the imports as 'Moroccan'.

And this is exactly what happened in Norway, media unveiled. A leading importing firm secretly purchased fish oil from Western Sahara for use for aquaculture industry for a decade.

The Norwegian fish oil importer, GC Rieber, by mislabelling 12-20,000 tonnes of Western Saharan fish oil annually as 'Moroccan', thus failing to pay customs to Norwegian authorities for perhaps as much as euro 50 million.

The reason for the tax difference is that Norway does not recognise the Moroccan annexation of Western Sahara. Both Norway and Switzerland, the two biggest EFTA states, thus clearly have stated that the EFTA free trade agreement with Morocco does not apply to products originating from Western Sahara.

The affair in Norway did not get less controversial considering that the importer was owned by the President of the Confederation of Norwegian Enterprise. During the last few weeks, the president of the Confederation has resigned over the affair and his company is under investigation by the Norwegian Ministry of Finance.

The Oslo government on several occasions has told Norwegian companies not to get involved in business in the occupied territory. But occasionally, scandals involving Norwegian investments in Western Sahara, in particular in the fisheries, oil and phosphate sectors, have been unveiled by media, mostly leading to quick divestments.

By clearly excluding Western Sahara territory from the application of the EFTA-Morocco Free Trade Agreement, Norway now applies the same interpretation as the other major EFTA country, Switzerland.

"Since Switzerland does not recognise the Moroccan annexation, the free trade agreement between EFTA and Morocco is not applicable for Western Sahara", stated Martin Zbinden, Head of Free Trade Agreement at the Swiss State Secretariat for Economic Affairs in 2007, when the Swiss Western Sahara committee, ARSO, investigated Swiss tomato imports from the territory.

By excluding Western Sahara, EFTA is thus is much more clearly following the UN and US, than the EU. A US-Moroccan agreement explicitly excludes Western Sahara, but an EU-Moroccan agreement in practical terms includes the territory. The EU for example pays the Moroccan government for fishing in Western Sahara waters.

By staff writer

© afrol News

DERECHOS HUMANOS programa producido por la coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos 067. Conflicto en el Sahara occidental

2010-05-05T12:08:00.000-07:00

Letter from RFK and HRW to Ban Ki Moon

2010-04-14T08:04:00.000-07:00

8 أبريل/نيسان 2010

فاكس: 4879/7055 963 212

السيد بان كى مون

الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة

مبنى الأمانة العامة، غرفة S-3800

نيويورك، 10017

بشأن: مراقبة حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي مخيمات تندوف بالجزائر

سيادة الأمين العام،

قامت المنظمتان الموقعتان أدناه - هيومن رايتس ووتش ومركز روبرت ف كينيدي للعدالة وحقوق الإنسان - بالعمل بشكل مستفيض على قضايا حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية. وإذ يساورنا القلق إزاء انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان ضد الصحراويين، فإننا نكتب إليكم لطلب دعمكم، داخل مجلس الأمن الدولي، لإنشاء آلية للأمم المتحدة من شأنها رصد والإبلاغ عن حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي مخيمات اللاجئين الصحراويين في تندوف بالجزائر. عندما يبت مجلس الأمن ولاية بعثة الأمم المتحدة للاستفتاء في الصحراء الغربية (مينورسو) هذا الشهر، نطلب أن يتم توسيع صلاحياتها لتتضمن رصد حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي المخيمات في تندوف.

وكان الهدف الرئيسي للمينورسو عند تأسيسها في عام 1991، هو إدارة مقترح التسوية بين المملكة المغربية وجبهة البوليساريو، بما في ذلك الإشراف على وقف إطلاق النار وإجراء استفتاء حول تقرير المصير. ومع ذلك، لما يقرب من عقدين حتى الآن، لم يتم تنفيذ الاستفتاء.

في غضون ذلك، عانى الصحراويون من انتهاكات خطيرة لحقوقهم الفردية والجماعية. وتواصل السلطات المغربية إخضاع هؤلاء الصحراويين، الذين يدعون علنا إلى حق تقرير المصير أو الذين يدينون الانتهاكات المغربية لحقوق الإنسان، لأشكال مختلفة من القمع، بما في ذلك السجن بعد محاكمات غير عادلة، والضرب، وقيود تعسفية على الحق في السفر، والحرمان من الحق في التجمع السلمي وتكوين الجمعيات والتعبير.

إن حالة السيدة أمينتو حيدر، الحاصلة على جائزة روبرت كينيدي لحقوق الإنسان لعام 2008، ذات دلالة. إذ أن السيدة حيدر، الرئيس الحالي لتجمع المدافعين الصحراويين عن حقوق الإنسان، وهي منظمة ترفض السلطات المغربية الاعتراف بها، تعرضت للاختفاء قسرا من عام 1987 حتى عام 1991. وفي 17 يونيو/حزيران 2005، ضربتها الشرطة على رأسها وهي في طريقها إلى مظاهرة، ثم ألقت عليها القبض بينما كانت تغادر المستشفى، حيث تلقت غرزا جراحية، قبل أدانتها من قبل محكمة مغربية في محاكمة غير عادلة بتهمة التحريض على مظاهرات عنيفة والمشاركة فيها، وأمضت سبعة أشهر في السجن قبل الإفراج عنها. وفي 14 نوفمبر/تشرين الثاني 2009، صادر المغرب جواز سفر السيدة حيدر ورحلها إلى جزر الكناري لأنها دوّنت في خانة مكان الإقامة على ورقة دخول الحدود "الصحراء الغربية"، وهي تسمية لا يعترف بها المغرب. ولم يوافق المغرب على عودتها إلى غاية 17 ديسمبر/كانون الأول 2009.

ونشرت منظمات حقوق الإنسان، مثل منظمة العفو الدولية وهيومن رايتس ووتش، منذ فترة طويلة، تقارير عن هذه الانتهاكات لحقوق الإنسان. وأحاط تقرير الأمين العام المؤرخ في 28 يوليو/تموز 2009 المقدم إلى الجمعية العامة علما بمثل هذه التقارير. وعلاوة على ذلك، في عام 2006، أجرى مكتب الأمم المتحدة للمفوضية السامية لحقوق الإنسان بعثة لدراسة حالة حقوق الإنسان في المنطقة، على الرغم من أنها لم تنشر رسميا التقرير الذي أعد بناء على نتائجها.

إن تقريركم الجديد بشأن الصحراء الغربية، بتاريخ أبريل/نيسان 2010، يلاحظ أن "جبهة البوليساريو تدعو إلى آلية رصد للأمم المتحدة [حقوق الإنسان]، وأعرب المغرب عن معارضته للمقترح".

والصحراويون المقيمون في مخيمات اللاجئين النائية التي تديرها البوليساريو في تندوف، يعيشون في حالة من العزلة وسيستفيدون، على غرار سكان الصحراء الغربية، من الحماية الكبيرة التي يمكن أن يوفرها رصد الأمم المتحدة لحقوق الإنسان.

إنه لمن الملائم إلى حد بعيد أن تعطى سلطة مراقبة حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية وفي مخيمات تندوف لبعثة المينورسو الموجودة بالفعل على أرض الواقع في الصحراء الغربية، وتعمل هناك منذ عام 1991. وتنص أيضا ولاية البعثة صراحة على أنها ستكون محكومة بالمبادئ العامة للأمم المتحدة لحفظ السلام. وتحدد إدارة الأمم المتحدة لعمليات حفظ السلام احترام حقوق الإنسان على أنه عنصر حاسم لتحقيق السلم الدائم وجزء لا يتجزأ من عملياتها. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، تتيح ولاية البعثة رصد "ضمان القانون والنظام" في الصحراء الغربية. وبالتالي، عدم وجود مراقبة حقوق الإنسان كمكون ضمن البعثة يتعارض مع ولاية البعثة نفسها ومع المبادئ العامة لإدارة عمليات حفظ السلام. علاوة على ذلك، وعلى الرغم من أن رصد حقوق الإنسان هي ميزة معيارية في بعثات حفظ السلام، فإن بعثة المينورسو تعمل ربما كالبعثة المعاصرة لحفظ السلام للأمم المتحدة الوحيدة بدون عنصر مراقبة حقوق الإنسان.

وفي حالة إذا ما قرر مجلس الأمن أن بعثة المينورسو ليست الجهة الأكثر فعالية لتولي هذه الأدوار، فإننا نؤيد تشكيل آلية أخرى للأمم المتحدة للرصد والإبلاغ عن حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية ومخيمات تندوف. وفي الحالتين، فقد حان الوقت كي تجعل الأمم المتحدة بعثة حفظ السلام هذه متسقة مع بعثات حفظ السلام الأخرى التابعة لها في جميع أنحاء العالم عن طريق ضمان أنها تشمل الرصد والإبلاغ المنتظمين عن انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان.

نشكركم على اهتمامكم بطلبنا.

مع خالص التقدير،

مونيكا كالرا فارما

مديرة مركز روبرت كينيدي لحقوق الإنسان

مركز روبرت ف. كينيدي للعدالة وحقوق الإنسان

سارة ليا ويتسن

المديرة التنفيذية لقسم الشرق الأوسط وشمال أفريقيا

هيومن رايتس ووتش

April 8, 2010

Via Fax: 212 963 7055 / 4879

His Excellency Ban Ki-Moon
Secretary-General
United Nations
Secretariat Building, Room S-3800
New York, NY 10017

Re: Human Rights Monitoring in Western Sahara and in Camps in Tindouf, Algeria

Your Excellency:

Our organizations, Human Rights Watch and the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights (RFK Center), have an established record of working on human rights issues in Western Sahara. Concerned about human rights violations against the Sahrawi people, we write to urge your support at the UN Security Council for the establishment of a UN mechanism that would monitor and report on human rights in Western Sahara and in the Sahrawi refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria. When the Security Council reviews the mandate of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) this month, we ask that the mandate be extended to incorporate human rights monitoring in Western Sahara and in the camps in Tindouf.

When founded in 1991, the primary objective of MINURSO was to administer the settlement proposal between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front, including overseeing the ceasefire and the implementation of a referendum on self-determination. However, for almost two decades now, the referendum has not been held.

In the interim, the Sahrawi people have suffered from serious violations of their individual and collective human rights. Moroccan authorities continue to subject those Sahrawis who openly advocate self-determination or who denounce Moroccan human rights violations to various forms of repression, including imprisonment after unfair trials, beatings, arbitrary restrictions on the right to travel, and denial of the right to peaceful assembly, association, and expression.

The case of Ms. Aminatou Haidar, the 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Laureate, is emblematic. Ms. Haidar, currently president of the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders, an organization Moroccan authorities have refused to recognize, was forcibly disappeared from 1987 until 1991. On June 17, 2005, police beat her on the head as she was arriving at a demonstration, then arrested her as she left the hospital where she had received stitches for her injury. A Moroccan court then convicted her in an unfair trial on charges of inciting and participating in violent demonstrations. She spent seven months in prison before being freed. On November 14, 2009, Morocco confiscated the passport of Ms. Haidar and summarily deported her to the Canary Islands because she had listed as her place of residence on her border entry form as “Western Sahara”, an appellation Morocco does not recognize. Morocco did not agree to her return until December 17, 2009.

Human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have long reported on these human rights violations. The Secretary-General’s Report of 28 July 2009 to the General Assembly took cognizance of such reports. Further, in 2006, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) conducted a mission to examine the human rights situation in the region, although it never officially published the report it had prepared on its findings.

Your new report on Western Sahara, dated April 2010, notes, “The Frente Polisario called for a United Nations [human rights] monitoring mechanism, and Morocco expressed its opposition.”

Sahrawis residing in the remote Polisario-run refugee camps in Tindouf live in a state of isolation and would, like residents of Western Sahara, benefit from the heightened protection that U.N. human rights monitoring would offer.

It is only fitting that the authority to monitor human rights in Western Sahara and in the camps in Tindouf be given to MINURSO. MINURSO is already present on the ground in Western Sahara, and has operated there since 1991. Also, MINURSO’s mandate explicitly states that MINURSO would be governed by the general principles of United Nations peace-keeping operations. The United Nations Department of Peace-Keeping Operations (DPKO) identifies respect for human rights as a critical component for achieving sustainable peace integral to its operations. The mandate of MINURSO additionally provides for monitoring the “maintenance of law and order” in Western Sahara. The lack of a human rights monitoring component within MINURSO is therefore inconsistent with MINURSO’s own mandate and the general principles of the DPKO. Further, although human rights monitoring is a standard feature in peacekeeping missions, MINURSO operates as perhaps the only contemporary U.N. peacekeeping mission without a human rights component.

In the event that the Security Council determines that MINURSO is not the most effective agency to take on these roles, we would endorse the assignment of another UN mechanism to monitor and report on human rights in Western Sahara and the camps in Tindouf. Either way, it is time for the UN to bring this peacekeeping mission into line with its other peacekeeping missions worldwide by ensuring that includes regular monitoring and reporting of human rights violations.

We thank you for your consideration of our request.

Sincerely,

Monika Kalra Varma

Director, RFK Center for Human Rights

Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

Sarah Leah Whitson

Executive Director, Middle East & North Africa Division

Human Rights Watch

Su Excelencia Ban Ki-Moon

Secretario General

Organización de las Naciones Unidas

Re: Observación de derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y los campamentos de Tinduf, Argelia

Su Excelencia:

Nuestras organizaciones, Human Rights Watch y el Centro Robert F. Kennedy para la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos (RFK Center), han establecido una trayectoria de trabajo en las cuestiones relacionadas con los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental. Movidos por nuestra preocupación acerca de las violaciones de los derechos humanos del pueblo saharaui, nos dirigimos a SE para instarle a que apoye en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU la creación de un mecanismo que observe e informe sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y en los campamentos de refugiados saharauis de Tinduf, Argelia. Pedimos que, cuando el Consejo de Seguridad revise este mes el mandato de la Misión de la ONU para el referéndum del Sáhara Occidental (MINURSO), se extienda el mismo para que incorpore la observación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y los campamentos de Tinduf.

Cuando se fundó en 1991, el objetivo principal de la MINURSO era administrar la propuesta de acuerdo entre el Reino de Marruecos y el Frente Polisario, lo que incluía supervisar el alto el fuego y la implementación de un referendo sobre la autodeterminación. No obstante, ya han pasado casi dos décadas y no se ha celebrado el referendo.

Mientras tanto, el pueblo saharaui ha sufrido graves violaciones de sus derechos humanos individuales y colectivos. Las autoridades marroquíes continúan sometiendo a los saharauis que defienden abiertamente la autodeterminación o denuncian las violaciones de los derechos humanos por parte de Marruecos a varias formas de represión, que incluyen el encarcelamiento dictado en juicios injustos, palizas, restricciones del derecho a viajar y negación del derecho de asamblea pacífica, libertad de asociación y libertad de expresión.

El caso de Aminatou Haidar, galardonada con el Premio de Derechos Humanos Robert F. Kennedy de 2008, es emblemático. Haidar, quien preside actualmente el Colectivo de Defensores de los Derechos Humanos Saharauis, una organización que las autoridades marroquíes se han negado a reconocer, desapareció por la fuerza desde 1987 a 1991. El 17 de junio de 2005, la policía la golpeó en la cabeza cuando llegaba a una manifestación, y la arrestó cuando salía del hospital donde habían cosido su herida. Un tribunal marroquí la condenó después en un juicio injusto por incitación y participación en manifestaciones violentas. Pasó siete meses en prisión antes de que la dejaran en libertad. El 14 de noviembre de 2009, Marruecos confiscó su pasaporte y la deportó sumariamente hasta las Islas Canarias, por haber escrito que su lugar de residencia era el "Sáhara Occidental" en el formulario de entrada al país, una denominación que no reconoce Marruecos. Marruecos no aceptó su regreso hasta el 17 de diciembre de 2009.

Las organizaciones de derechos humanos, como Amnistía Internacional y Human Rights Watch, llevan mucho tiempo informando sobre estas violaciones de los derechos humanos. El Informe del Secretario General del 28 de julio de 2009 a la Asamblea General reconoció dichos informes. Es más, en 2006, la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos (OACDH) realizó una misión para examinar la situación de los derechos humanos en la región, aunque nunca publicó oficialmente el informe que había elaborado sobre sus observaciones.

Su nuevo informe sobre el Sáhara Occidental, con fecha de abril de 2010, señala: "El Frente Polisario solicitó un mecanismo de observación [de derechos humanos] de la ONU, y Marruecos expresó su oposición".

Los saharauis que residen en los remotos campamentos de refugiados de Tinduf viven en condiciones de aislamiento y, al igual que los residentes del Sáhara Occidental, se beneficiarían del aumento de la protección que proporcionaría la observación e informe de los derechos humanos de la ONU.

Lo apropiado es que la autoridad para observar la situación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y en los campamentos de Tinduf resida en MINURSO. La Misión ya tiene presencia sobre el terreno en el Sáhara Occidental, donde lleva operando desde 1991. Además, el mandato de MINURSO declara explícitamente que estará gobernada por los principios generales de las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas. El Departamento de Operaciones de Mantenimiento de la Paz (DPKO) de las Naciones Unidas considera que el respeto por los derechos humanos es un componente esencial de sus operaciones para lograr una paz sostenible. El mandato de MINURSO dispone además la observación del "mantenimiento de la ley y el orden" en el Sáhara Occidental. Por lo tanto, la falta de un componente de observación e informe de los derechos humanos dentro de MINURSO es incoherente con su propio mandato y los principios generales del DPKO. Es más, aunque la observación de los derechos humanos es una característica normal de las misiones de mantenimiento de la paz, MINURSO opera quizá como la única misión contemporánea de la ONU sin dicho componente.

En caso de que el Consejo de Seguridad determine que MINURSO no es el organismo más eficaz para asumir estas funciones, respaldaríamos la asignación de otro mecanismo de la ONU para observar e informar sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental y los campamentos de Tinduf. En cualquiera de los casos, ha llegado el momento de que la ONU armonice esta misión de mantenimiento de la paz con sus otras misiones en todo el mundo asegurándose de que incluya la observación y los informes regulares sobre violaciones de los derechos humanos.

Le agradecemos de antemano su consideración de esta petición.

Atentamente,

Monika Kalra Varma

Directora del Centro RFK de Derechos Humanos

Centro Robert F. Kennedy para la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos

Sarah Leah Whitson

Directora ejecutiva de la División de Oriente Medio y Norte de África

Human Rights Watch

Son Excellence Ban Ki-Moon

Secrétaire général

Nations Unies

Objet : Surveillance des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf en Algérie

Votre Excellence,

Nos organisations, Human Rights Watch et le Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights (Centre RFK), sont reconnues pour leur travail sur les questions des droits humains au Sahara occidental. Préoccupées par les violations des droits humains à l'encontre des Sahraouis, nous vous écrivons pour solliciter votre soutien au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU pour la création d'un mécanisme de l'ONU qui surveillerait et rendrait compte de la situation des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de réfugiés sahraouis à Tindouf, en Algérie. Au moment où le Conseil de sécurité va réexaminer le mandat de la Mission des Nations Unies pour l'organisation d'un référendum au Sahara occidental (MINURSO) ce mois-ci, nous demandons à ce que ce mandat soit élargi de façon à inclure le contrôle des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf.

À sa création en 1991, l'objectif principal de la MINURSO était d'administrer la proposition d'accord entre le Royaume du Maroc et le Front Polisario et notamment en veillant au respect du cessez-le-feu et en organisant un référendum sur l'autodétermination. Toutefois, depuis maintenant près de vingt ans, ce référendum n'a toujours pas eu lieu.

Entre-temps, les Sahraouis ont été victimes de graves violations de leurs droits humains individuels et collectifs. Les autorités marocaines continuent de soumettre les Sahraouis, qui plaident ouvertement pour l'autodétermination ou qui dénoncent les violations des droits humains de la part du Maroc, à diverses formes de répression, à savoir des emprisonnements après des procès inéquitables, des passages à tabac, des restrictions arbitraires du droit de voyager et des atteintes aux droits de rassemblement pacifique, d'association et d'expression.

Le cas de Madame Aminatou Haidar, lauréate 2008 du prix Robert F. Kennedy des droits humains, est emblématique. Madame Haidar, actuellement présidente du Collectif des défenseurs sahraouis des droits de l'homme, organisation que les autorités marocaines ont refusé de reconnaître, a été victime de disparition forcée de 1987 à 1991. Le 17 juin 2005, la police l'a frappé à la tête alors qu'elle arrivait sur les lieux d'une manifestation, puis l'a arrêté alors qu'elle sortait de l'hôpital où sa blessure venait d'être recousue. Un tribunal marocain l'a ensuite condamné lors d'un procès inéquitable pour incitation et participation à des manifestations violentes. Elle a passé sept mois en prison avant d'être libérée. Le 14 novembre 2009, le Maroc a confisqué le passeport de Madame Haidar et l'a expulsé de façon sommaire aux Iles Canaries parce que sur son formulaire d'entrée à la frontière elle avait inscrit comme lieu de résidence « Sahara occidental », appellation non reconnue par le Maroc. Le Maroc n'a accepté son retour que le 17 décembre 2009.

Des organisations de défense des droits humains, comme Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch, rendent compte depuis longtemps de ces violations des droits humains. Le rapport du Secrétaire général du 28 juillet 2009 à l'Assemblée générale a pris connaissance de ces rapports. De plus, en 2006, le Haut-commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l'Homme (HCDH) a mené une mission pour examiner la situation des droits humains dans la région, bien qu'il n'ait jamais officiellement publié le rapport qu'il avait préparé sur ses conclusions.

Votre nouveau rapport du mois d'avril 2010 sur le Sahara occidental indique : « Le Front Polisario a appelé à un mécanisme de surveillance [des droits humains] des Nations Unies, et le Maroc a exprimé son opposition ».

Les Sahraouis vivant dans les camps de réfugiés reculés gérés par le Polisario à Tindouf sont dans un état d'isolement et ils bénéficieraient, comme les habitants du Sahara occidental, de la protection renforcée que pourrait leur offrir une surveillance des droits humains de l'ONU.

Il n'est que juste que l'autorité pour surveiller les droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf soit attribuée à la MINURSO. La MINURSO est déjà présente sur le terrain au Sahara occidental, et y est active depuis 1991. D'autre part, le mandat de la MINURSO indique de façon explicite qu'elle serait gouvernée par les principes généraux des opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies. Le Département des opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies (DOMP) identifie le respect des droits humains comme une composante cruciale pour atteindre une paix durable, inséparable de ses opérations. Le mandat de la MINURSO prévoit de plus la surveillance de la « maintenance de la loi et de l'ordre » au Sahara occidental. Le manque d'une composante chargée de surveiller les droits humains au sein de la MINURSO est par conséquent en contradiction avec le propre mandat de la MINURSO et les principes généraux du DOMP. De plus, bien que la surveillance des droits humains soit une caractéristique standard des missions de maintien de la paix, la MINURSO fonctionne peut-être comme la seule mission de maintien de la paix de l'ONU contemporaine ne disposant pas d'une composante de défense des droits humains.

Dans l'éventualité où le Conseil de sécurité déterminerait que la MINURSO n'est pas l'agence la plus efficace pour endosser ces rôles, nous approuverions la désignation d'un autre mécanisme de l'ONU pour surveiller et rendre compte des droits humains au Sahara occidental et dans les camps de Tindouf. Quoi qu'il en soit, il est temps pour l'ONU de mettre cette mission de maintien de la paix en accord avec ses autres missions de maintien de la paix dans le monde, en garantissant qu'elle comporte une composante chargée de surveiller et de rendre compte des violations des droits humains.

Nous vous remercions de prendre notre requête en considération.

Veuillez agréer, Votre Excellence, l'expression de notre haute considération.

Monika Kalra Varma

Directrice du Centre RFK pour les droits humains

Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

Sarah Leah Whitson

Directrice exécutive de la Division Moyen Orient et Afrique du Nord

Human Rights Watch

U.S. Lawmakers Support Illegal Annexation of Western Sahara : By Steven zunes

2010-04-06T07:46:00.001-07:00

U.S. Lawmakers Support Illegal Annexation of Western Sahara
Written by Stephen Zunes
Monday, 05 April 2010
Source: Foreign Policy in Focus

In yet another assault on fundamental principles of international law, a bipartisan majority of the Senate has gone on record calling on the United States to endorse Morocco's illegal annexation of Western Sahara, the former Spanish colony invaded by Moroccan forces in 1975 on the verge of its independence. In doing so, the Senate is pressuring the Obama administration to go against a series of UN Security Council resolutions, a landmark decision of the International Court of Justice, and the position of the African Union and most of the United States' closest European allies.

More disturbingly, this effort appears to have the support of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), head of the Senate Intelligence Committee and principal author of the recent Senate letter supporting Moroccan aggrandizement, claims that the two "are on the same wavelength" on the issue.

The letter, signed by 54 senators, insists that the United States endorse Morocco's "autonomy" plan as the means of settling the conflict. As such, the Senate opposes the vast majority of the world's governments and a broad consensus of international legal scholars, who recognize the illegality of such an imposed settlement. More than 75 countries recognize the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), which represents the people of Western Sahara under the leadership of the Polisario Front. The SADR is also a full member state of the African Union, and has governed nearly half of the people in liberated zones in Western Sahara as well as refugee camps in Algeria for nearly 35 years. The majority of Congress, however, wants the United States to pressure Polisario to surrender the Western Saharan people's right to self-determination and accept the sovereignty of a conquering power.

How Much "Autonomy"?
The autonomy plan is based on the assumption that Western Sahara is part of Morocco rather than an occupied territory, and that Morocco is somehow granting part of its sovereign territory a special status. This is a contention that the United Nations, the World Court, the African Union, and a broad consensus of international legal opinion have long rejected. To accept Morocco's autonomy plan would mean that, for the first time since the founding of the UN and the ratification of the UN Charter nearly 65 years ago, the international community would be endorsing the expansion of a country's territory by military force, thereby establishing a very dangerous and destabilizing precedent.

If the people of Western Sahara accepted an autonomy agreement over independence as a result of a free and fair referendum, it would constitute a legitimate act of self-determination. Outstanding UN Security Council resolutions explicitly call for such a referendum (which the Senate letter ignores). However, Morocco has explicitly stated that its autonomy proposal "rules out, by definition, the possibility for the independence option to be submitted" to the people of Western Sahara, the vast majority of whom favor outright independence.

International law aside, there are a number of practical concerns regarding the Moroccan proposal. For instance, centralized autocratic states have rarely respected the autonomy of regional jurisdictions, which has often led to violent conflict. In 1952, the UN granted the British protectorate of Eritrea autonomous status federated with Ethiopia. In 1961, however, the Ethiopian emperor revoked Eritrea's autonomous status, annexing it as his empire's 14th province. The result was a bloody 30-year struggle for independence and subsequent border wars between the two countries. Similarly, the decision of Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic to revoke the autonomous status of Kosovo in 1989 led to a decade of repression and resistance, culminating in the NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999.

Moreover, the Senate-backed Moroccan proposal contains no enforcement mechanisms. Morocco has often broken its promises to the international community, such as in its refusal to allow the UN-mandated referendum for Western Sahara to go forward. Indeed, a close reading of the proposal raises questions about how much autonomy Morocco is even initially offering, such as whether the Western Saharans will control the territory's natural resources or law enforcement beyond local matters. In addition, the proposal appears to indicate that all powers not specifically vested in the autonomous region would remain with the kingdom. Indeed, since the king of Morocco is ultimately vested with absolute authority under Article 19 of the Moroccan constitution, the autonomy proposal's insistence that the Moroccan state "will keep its powers in the royal domains, especially with respect to defense, external relations and the constitutional and religious prerogatives of His Majesty the King" appears to give the monarch considerable latitude in interpretation.

In any case, the people of Western Sahara will not likely accept autonomy rather than independence. For years, they have engaged in largely nonviolent pro-independence protests only to be subjected to mass arrests, beatings, torture, and extra-judicial killings. The Moroccan authorities would not likely change their ways under "autonomy."

That did not stop Clinton from apparently endorsing Morocco's "autonomy" plan during a visit to Morocco last November, a controversial statement cited by the Senate letter's authors to bolster their case. Just days after Clinton's visit, the emboldened Moroccan authorities expelled Aminatou Haidar, Western Sahara's leading pro-independence activist. Haidar's resulting month-long hunger strike nearly killed her before President Barack Obama pressured Morocco to allow her to return.

The Senate Letter
There has long been concern that Morocco's ongoing illegal occupation of Western Sahara, its human rights abuses, and its defiance of the international community has jeopardized attempts to advance the Arab Maghreb Union and other efforts at regional economic integration and security cooperation. However, the Senate letter turns this argument on its head, arguing that the international community's failure to recognize Morocco's annexation of the territory is the cause of the "growing instability in North Africa." The letter ominously warns that "terrorist activities are increasing" in the region, ignoring the fact that the Polisario Front has never engaged in terrorism, even during the years of guerrilla warfare against Moroccan occupation forces between 1975 and 1991. The Polisario has scrupulously observed a ceasefire ever since, despite Morocco breaking its promise to allow for a UN-sponsored referendum. Furthermore, Islamist radicals have little sympathy for the secular Polisario and the relatively liberal version of Islam practiced by most Western Saharans.

The letter's signatories included 24 Republicans, including ranking Intelligence Committee member Kit Bond (R-MO), Assistant Minority Leader Jon Kyl (R-AZ), and John McCain (R-AZ). There were also 30 Democratic signatories of the letter, including such erstwhile liberals as Ron Wyden (D-OR), Maria Cantwell (D-WA), Carl Levin (D-MI), and Mark Udall (D-CO). Not surprisingly, most of the signers have also gone on record defending Israel's occupation of Palestinian and Syrian territory, and previously supported Indonesia's occupation of East Timor. A majority of the signatories also voted to authorize the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq. When a majority of the Senate goes on record calling on the administration to pursue a policy that fundamentally denies an entire nation its right to self-determination, undermines the UN Charter and other basic principles of international law, and challenges a series of UN Security Council resolutions, it shows just how far to the right this Democratic-controlled body has become.

U.S. support for Indonesia's occupation of East Timor didn't end until human rights activists made it politically difficult for the Clinton administration and members of Congress to continue backing it. Similarly, voters who care about human rights and international law must make it clear they won't support any lawmaker who favors the right of conquest over the right of self-determination.

Stephen Zunes, a Foreign Policy in Focus senior analyst, is a professor of Politics and chair of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of San Francisco. He is the author, along with Jacob Mundy, of the forthcoming Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution (Syracuse University Press).

شاهد عيان : مظاهرة غرناطة كاذبة‏

2010-03-23T08:01:00.000-07:00

شاهد عيان : مظاهرة غرناطة كاذبة‏

محمد بن عبد السلام/ مرايا برس
الاثنين 22 مارس 2010

إن المتتبع لمؤتمر غرناطة بين المغرب والإتحاد الأوروبي يستغرب كيف أن ذلك المؤتمر مر بدون حضور إعلامي يذكر ، وخاصة الإعلام الإسباني الذي كان شبه غائب . لكن ما أثار استغرابي ودهشتي أنا الذي ذهبت بحسن نية لمساندة الوفد الرسمي المغربي للتظاهر ضد أعداء الوحدة الترابية , وكذا دعما للمغرب في شراكته المتقدمة مع الإتحاد الأوروبي , علما أنني ذهبت إلى هناك بإرادة شخصية على نفقتي الخاصة حبا في وطن أريد له كل خير . وحيث لم تكون جنسيتي الإسبانية عائقا في مشاركتي ، لأني أحمل هم الوطن في عروقي , فالوطنية هي اللغة ، هي الدين ، الإنتماء ، مسقط الرأس ، وقناعة راسخة في حواسي ... المهم هو أن ما أثار استغرابي هو المعلومات الصادمة والحقيقة التي يسعون إلى إخفاءها حيث وجدتها بانتظاري .
المهم وصلت صباح ذلك اليوم السابع من مارس ، التقيت بوفد دبلوماسي مغربي قدم من إيطاليا الذي دلني على مكان التظاهر " قصر المؤتمرات بغرناطة " ، في ذات الجو المطير ذلك اليوم ، التقيت بعض المغاربة فذهبت لاستفسارهم من أين قدموا ؟ قالوا لي من فرنسا شرحت لهم حالتي أنا الوحيد الذي أختلف عنهم . فأخبروني أنهم قدموا على نفقة الدولة وأن السفارة المغربية هي من تكفلت بكل المصاريف بالإضافة إلى 500 أورو نقدا هي أتعاب الرحلة . كان محدثي من وفد جاء من مدينة بوردو الفرنسية التي قدم منها 200 شخص جلهم شيوخ يتقاضون راتب التقاعد الفرنسي المريح .كانت هناك وفود من مدن فرنسية أخرى , وكذلك وفود أوروبية أخرى ، وكلهم بثمن 500 أورو للفرد ؛ أما وفد إسبانيا فكان أشخاصه من مدريد وبرشلونة ، وبلاد الباسك ، وعرفت لاحقا أنهم تسلموا مبلغ 300 أورو للفرد .
أما من المغرب فقد قدمت حافلتين فيها فنانين وفنانات وكذلك بعض البرلمانيين نالوا أيضا نصيبهم من كعكة المساندة المهزلة . كان العدد الحقيقي هو 2000 شخص وليس كما قالت تلفزتنا بأن عددهم 10000 شخص ، وحتى لو صدقنا التلفزة فستكون المهزلة مضاعفة ، نضرا للمبلغ الكبير المخصص . تلك المبالغ المهدورة كان من الأولى أن تذهب إلى منكوبي فيضانات الغرب ، وجبال الأطلس ...
ويبقى السؤال عن هذه المساندة المهزلة في الرباط , المساندة التي كلفت دافعي الضرائب الفقراء 500 أورو لكل فرد من أجل المشاركة في الوقت الذي يعاني فيه هؤلاء المواطنون / الرعية قمة الفقر والحرمان

American Jewish Committee 's letter to the Senate of USA

2010-03-16T15:55:00.000-07:00

March 10, 2010

Dear Senator :

The American Jewish Committee, an organization that advances inter-religious and inter-ethnic understanding and is dedicated to the success of moderation and pluralism in the Arab and Muslim world, urges your endorsement of a letter circulated by Senators Feinstein and Bond supporting U.S. leadership to resolve the longstanding dispute over the Western Sahara, in the interest of easing regional tensions and increasing cooperation against terrorism.

Directed to Secretary Clinton, the Feinstein-Bond letter recognizes the history of bipartisan U.S. support, across three administrations, for a resolution of the Western Sahara issue. In April 2007, Morocco put forward a proposal that would offer the disputed territory – roughly the size of Colorado and with a population of some 400,000 – broad local autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. Ongoing negotiations under United Nations auspices between Morocco and the Algerian-backed Polisario Front have yet to yield results; firm U.S. leadership to assure international support for a just and practical negotiated resolution would advance regional stability and security.

Cognizant of the historic links between – and the broad common interests of – the United States and Morocco, and as an institutional partner of the Moroccan Jewish community, the American Jewish Committee strongly supports efforts by our Government and the Kingdom to enhance cooperation in many spheres, from the struggle against terrorism and extremism, to expanded economic opportunity in the Maghreb, cultural and educational exchange, and political reform. It was our faith in this vital relationship that underlay AJC’s support for the U.S.-Morocco Free Trade Agreement of 2004, and is the foundation of our ongoing dialogue with Moroccan officials and civil society on pressing issues of regional peace, security and human rights.

AJC views reinforced U.S. advocacy of Morocco’s autonomy proposal for Western Sahara as critical to the further enhancement of ties between our nation and the Kingdom, the continued advance of political and economic progress in Morocco, and effective pursuit of cooperative strategies to counter regional instability and international terrorism. We urge your signature on the Feinstein-Bond letter to Secretary Clinton.

With appreciation for your consideration of AJC’s views on this matter, I remain,

Respectfully,

Jason F. Isaacson

Meriem Hassan Video: Haiyu

2010-03-12T09:34:00.000-08:00

Uprisings in Laayoune March 09/2010 _Arabic_

2010-03-09T15:46:00.000-08:00

تدخلت قوات القمع المغربية بعنف مساء اليوم الثلاثاء لقمع مظاهرة سلمية نظمها وفد النشطاء الحقوقيين بحضور عشرات المواطنين الصحراويين بحي معطى بالعيون المحتلة للتنديد بجرائم الاحتلال المغربي بالصحراء الغربية حسبما أفاد به مراسل وكالة الأنباء الصحراوية من عين المكان

وأفاد المصدر بان المتظاهرين الذين كانوا يرددون شعارات مطالبة بحق الشعب الصحراوي في تقرير المصير، ومنددة بانتهاكات المغرب المتكررة لحقوق الإنسان بالأراضي المحتلة والنهب الممنهج للثروات الطبيعية ، فجئوا بتدخل غير مسبوق لقوات القمع المغربية التي كانت متسلحة بالعصي والهراوات مما أسفر عن إصابة واعتقال عدد من المتظاهرين، من بينهم خمسة نشطاء من الوفد الذي قام مؤخرا بزيارة لمخيمات اللاجئين الصحراويين، ويتعلق الامر بكل من :
- الناشط الحقوقي، رئيس لجنة احترام حقوق الإنسان بالصحراء الغربية،النعمة الاسفاري( إصابة على مستوى الرأس والوجه والظهر
- الناشط الحقوقي، الكاتب العام للجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان المرتكبة من طرف الدولة المغربية، إبراهيم الصبار( إصابة على مستوى الرأس
- الناشط الحقوقي احمد السباعي، الكاتب العام لرابطة حماية السجناء الصحراويين
- الناشط الحقوقي احمد حميا، عضو لجنة مناهضة التعذيب بالداخلة المحتلة
- الناشطة الحقوقية أزانة أميدان
- المواطنة الصحراوية دكنة منت محمد فاضل ولد الحبيب جروح على مستوى الفم
- المواطنة الصحراوية مريم امغيزلات إصابة على مستوى العينين والفم
- المواطنة الصحراوية هدي منة
- المواطنة الصحراوية الذهبة العياشي

كما تم اعتقال الناشط الحقوقي، رئيس فرع الجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الإنسان المرتكبة من طرف الدولة المغربية، ببوجور المحتلة، التهليل محمد عند نقطة التفتيش والمراقبة بمدينة بوجدور.

وفي سياق متصل تمت مداهمة العديد من منازل المواطنين الصحراويين، والعبث بممتلكاتها

ولاحظ مراسل وكالة الأنباء الصحراوية بحي معطلى أن هذا الأخير لازال يعيش تحت الحصار المشدد في ظل طوق امني غير مسبوق

للاشارة فقد وصل وفد مناضلي انتفاضة الاستقلال الذي قام مؤخرا بزيارة الى المخيمات الصحراوية والأراضي المحررة من الجمهورية الصحراوية ، ليلة الاحد الى الاثنين الى مدينة العيون المحتلة بعد ان شارك في الاحتفالات المخلدة للذكرى ال 34 لإعلان الجمهورية الصحراوية ببلدة بئر لحلو والولايات الصحراوية
وقد بدا منذ يوم الاثنين بعقد سلسلة من اللقاءات لتعميم نتائج زيارته إلى مخيمات اللاجئين الصحراويين

Alquds Alarabi Magazine Article

2010-03-09T08:29:00.001-08:00

نشطاء صحراويون يعودون الى العيون بسلام بعد رحلة الصمود والتحدي للجزائر

ابراهيم الصبار الامين العام للجمعية الصحراوية

الرباط ـ القدس العربي ـ من محمود معروف ـ عاد ناشطون صحراويون الى المغرب الاحد بعد زيارة قاموا بها لمخيمات تندوف حيث قيادة جبهة البوليزاريو، وحرصت السلطات المغربية على تجاهل هذه الزيارة والسماح لهم بالدخول دون التعرض لهم خاصة وان عودتهم تزامنت مع عقد قمة الاتحاد الاوروبي المغربي التي احتضنتها مدينة غرناطة الاسبانية واحتلت فيها قضية الصحراء الغربية حيزا هاما وربطها بمسألة حقوق الانسان.
ووصلت الدفعة الاولى من الناشطين الى مطار محمد الخامس بالدار البيضاء قبل ظهر الاحد على متن رحلة للخطوط الجوية الجزائرية، ووصلت المجموعة الثانية على متن الخطوط الملكية المغربية بعد ظهر نفس اليوم فيما وصل الجميع منتصف الليل الى مطار العيون دون ان يتعرض اي منهم الى المساءلة او التوقيف.

وقالت مصادر حقوقية لـ"القدس العربي" ان الناشطين اجروا سلسلة اتصالات هاتفية قبل مغادرتهم الطائرة تحسبا لاعتقالهم على غرار ما جرى لآخرين قاموا بزيارة مماثلة في تشرين الاول/اكتوبر الماضي واعتقلوا فور وصولهم للمطار واحيلوا للمحكمة العسكرية التي وجهت لهم تهما تتراوح عقوباتها بين الاعدام والمؤبد.

واولت جبهة البوليزاريو اهتماما ملحوظا بزيارة وفد الناشطين التي اسموها رحلة "الصمود و التحدي".

ويتكون الوفد من ابراهيم الصبارالامين العام للجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الانسان المرتكبة من طرف الدولة المغربية بالصحراء الغربية واحمد السباعي الامين العام لرابطة حماية السجناء الصحراويين والنعمة الاسفاري رئيس لجنة الدفاع عن حقوق الانسان بالصحراء الغربية وامباركة اعلينا اباعلي الامينة العامة لمنتدى مستقبل المرأة الصحراوية رفقة ابنتها العزة البالغة من العمر سنة واحدة وابراهيم الاسماعيلي رئيس منتدى حفظ الذاكرة الجماعية وازانة اميدان ناشطة مدافعة صحراوية عن حقوق الانسان وعاتيقو براي عضو لجنة العمل لمناهضة التعذيب بالداخلة وسيد احمد لمجيد رئيس لجنة دعم مخطط التسوية وحماية الثروات الطبيعية والتهليل محمد رئيس فرع الجمعية الصحراوية لضحايا الانتهاكات الجسيمة لحقوق الانسان ببوجدورواحمد حمية موسى عضو لجنة مناهضة التعذيب بالداخلة وبنكة الشيخ كوري بوزيد عضو لجنة تجمع المدافعين الصحراويين عن حقوق الانسان.

ونظم للناشطين برنامج مكثف ومنوع يتراوح بين الثقافي والاجتماعي والاعلامي والعسكري والتقى جل قيادات جبهة البوليزاريو بالاضافة الى نشاطات اعلامية في الجزائر العاصمة.

مثل بقية المسافرين

وقالت المصادر الحقوقية لـ"القدس العربي" ان السلطات المغربية التي تواجدت بشكل ملحوظ في مطار العيون تعاملت مع الناشطين مثل بقية المسافرين القادمين، الا انها اتخذت اجراءات لتجنب تواجد حشود من مؤيدي الناشطين في المطار اثناء وصولهم.

من جهة اخرى قالت مصادر صحافية مغربية ان اشاعات سرت نهاية الاسبوع الماضي تتحدث عن افراج السلطات المغربية عن الناشطين السبعة الذين اعتقلوا في تشرين الأول/اكتوبر الماضي او من يعرفون بـ"مجموعة التامك"، الا انه تبين فيما بعد عدم صحة ما تم تداوله.

وقالت صحيفة "اخبار اليوم" انه في سياق منهج تهدئة الجبهة الحقوقية ونزع احدى اوراق الضغط القوية في يد جبهة البوليزاريو ترد اشارات عن طي ملف الناشطين السبعة الذين احيلوا على المحكمة العسكرية.

واوضحت المصادر الحقوقية ان محامي الناشطين المعتقلين محمد الصبار وهو مسؤول في هيئة حقوقية مستقلة ذات ميول يسارية اقترح على الناشطين التقدم بطلبات للحصول على السراح المؤقت على غرار ما تقدمت به الناشطة الدكجة لشكر التي اعتقلت معهم وافرج عنها في وقت سابق لاسباب صحية.

وتقول المصادر ان كلا من سالم التامك وصالح البويهي قبلا مقترح المحامي الذي وصف بانه مقترح غير رسمي الا انه يلقى قبولا لدى السلطات فيما رفضه المعتقلون الاربعة الاخرون وهم حمادي الناصري وابراهيم دحان والتروزي يحظية ورشيد الصغير ورفضوا التوقيع.

وتتحدث الاوساط الحقوقية عن رغبة السلطات المغربية في طيّ ملف هؤلاء الناشطين بالافراج المؤقت عنهم ومتابعتهم بحالة سراح مع تأجيل متواصل لجلسات المحاكمة كما طوت ملف وثائق الناشطين المؤيدين لجبهة البوليزاريو باعادة تسليمها لهم.

جواز سفر

من جهة اخرى قال الناشط الصحراوي عبد الرحمن بوكرفا ان السلطات المغربية ترفض تسليمه جواز سفره الذي سحب منه في تشرين الثاني/نوفمبر الماضي وطالب المنظمات الدولية والحقوقية بالضغط من أجل استرجاع جواز سفره.

وتسعى جبهة البوليزاريو، منذ اعتقال الناشطين السبعة وابعاد الناشطة اميناتو حيدر الى اسبانيا، لتكثيف حرب حقوق الانسان على المغرب قبيل بدء مجلس الامن الدولي مناقشته الرسمية لتطورات النزاع الصحراوي بعد سلسلة مفاوضات مباشرة وغير مباشرة بين المغرب وجبهة البوليزاريو تحت رعاية الامم المتحدة وبحضور الجزائر وموريتانيا منذ منتصف 2007 وكان اخرها في شباط/فبراير الماضي في ارمونك القريبة من نيويورك لم تحدث اختراقا في جمود عملية السلام الصحراوي.

ومارست جبهة البوليزاريو ومؤيدوها في اسبانيا خلال نهاية الاسبوع الماضي وعلى هامش قمة الاتحاد الاوروبي المغرب ضغوطا على الوفود الاوروبية للحظ مسألة حقوق الانسان في المناطق الصحراوية.

وتهدف الجبهة من خلال اثارة موضوع حقوق الانسان الى توسيع صلاحيات قوات الامم المتحدة المنتشرة بالمنطقة (المينورسو) لتشمل مراقبة حقوق الانسان وادماجها في تقرير الامين العام للامم المتحدة السنوي للمجلس وهو ما يرفضه المغرب ويعتبره مخالفاً لقرارات مجلس الامن ذات الصلة وتقليصاً لسيادته على المنطقة

معذرة إلى الشعب الصحراوي .../ سيدي علي بلعمش

2010-01-06T12:58:00.001-08:00

معذرة إلى الشعب الصحراوي .../ سيدي علي بلعمش
05/01/2010 - 22:48
أحمد ولد داداه و مسعود ولد بلخير يسيران في مسيرة حاشدة ، خلف السالكة بنت الطائع دفاعا عن مجرمي المال العام ، ماذا بقي من الثوابت النضالية لتدافعوا عنه؟

الشيخ العافية يصرح في الداخلة، بأمر من ولد عبد العزيز، بأمور ينسى أنه هو آخر من يحق له الكلام فيها؟

برلماني آكجوجت المصطفى ولد أحمد المكي يأبى إلا أن يؤكد للشعب الموريتاني جهله بالتاريخ و الجغرافيا و يقحم نفسه في قضية لم يخلق لها ، داعيا إلى تخلي موريتانيا عن حيادها في قضية الصحراء التي يصفها كاذبا بالمغربية و تصفه صادقة بها ؟

بيرام ولد اعبيد يزبد من ناحيته مهددا بقيامة تسبق علامتها الكبرى الصغرى؟

النمة بنت مكية تنادي من تحت قبة البرلمان مطالبة بعودة المجرم معاوية ولد الطائع؟

ماذا يحدث في هذا البلد ؟

كيف تسيدت الفوضى إلى هذا الحد؟

كيف أصبحت كل هذه الأذناب رؤوسا في غفلة من الزمن؟

الجواب المخجل .. المهين هو مع الأسف أنه هكذا يحدث دائما حين تكون السلطة ضعيفة في أي بقعة من العالم.

كل التناقضات و التفاهات و النزوات و المحرمات الموريتانية تجد اليوم فرصتها في أن تطفو على السطح لغياب سلطة تستطيع استيعاب الجميع و احتواء مشاكلهم .. سلطة قادرة على حماية هيبة الدولة .. قادرة على إسكات الجميع عن الخوض في الممنوع .

يخطئ ولد عبد العزيز إذا كان يعتقد أنه يستطيع أن يجر موريتانيا إلى الحياد عن الحياد.

إذا كان على موريتانيا أن تحيد عن حيادها فلن يكون إلا إلى ما يخدم تصالحها مع ذاتها .. إلا إلى ما يخدم انسجامها مع تاريخها .. إلا إلى ما يخدم استقرارها و استمرارها و ازدهارها..

أنتم تثيرون ما كان يجب أن تتحاشوه بالضبط ، إذا كانت كل غايتكم أن تقدموا خدمة إلى المغرب؟

أما وقد قلتموها من على أعلى سقوف السلطة، فها نحن نقول لكم من قاعها أن هذا الحياد لم يعد مقبولا.. و هذا الجبن لم يعد مجديا .. و هذا الاستهتار لم يعد ممكنا.

يكفي ما ارتكبتناه من أخطاء فادحة في حق إخواننا و فلذات أكبادنا الصحراويين.

و قد آن لنا أن نكفر عن ما اغترفته أيادينا في حقهم من حماقات لا يمكن تبريرها إلا بما هو أسوأ منها.

إن الجمهورية العربية الصحراوية الديمقراطية هي عزنا و امتدادنا التاريخي و الجغرافي المتبجح الأصالة .. المتأصل التبجح .. المتداخل المصير .. المتناغم الوجدان ..

فليذهب إلى المغرب كل من يريد أن يذهب إليه لكنه لن يذهب إلا وحده و لن يجد هنا من يعاقبه أو يؤاخذه لأننا شعب حر يؤمن بحق الاختيار .. يؤمن حتى بحق الخيانة لمن جبلوا عليها.

أما وقد كشحتم عن وجوهكم الحقيقية فاشربوا من مر سوء تقديراتكم:

لا حياد بعد اليوم و "الأقربون أولى بالمعروف".

لا حياد بعد اليوم : قد آن لهذه الخيانة أن تنتهي.. لهذا الجبن أن ينتهي .. لهذا الليل الطويل الطويل أن ينجلي .

من ذا يجهل من بيننا أن الشيخ العافية كان ـ كعادته المخجلة ـ يتكلم بأوامر .. أن ولد أحمد المكي يعرف أنه يسير عكس التيار في مياه حقيقة عكرة، كان يحتاج إلى ضمانات كبيرة للمغامرة بالخوض فيها ؟

من ذا يفوته ـ من بيننا ـ أن طوفان الإعلانات و الكتابات التي اجتاحت الساحة الإعلامية حول الصحراء في الآونة الأخيرة كان المراد منها استفزازنا و تحضيرنا لهذه الطبخة الغبية التي لن ترى النور على أرضنا؟

ها أنتم اليوم جميعا تتربعون على رأس هرم السلطة : ولد عبد العزيز ، رئيس وزرائه ، رئيس مجلسه العسكري ، وزير صحته و بقية خريجي مكنس و خوارج الخيانة ، و على بعد لحظات فقط من إعلان ارتمائكم في أحضان الوطن "الغفور الرحيم" فلماذا لا تجربوا شجاعتكم و تعلنوها على الملأ لتفهموا أن تحت رماد خمول هذا الشعب جمر متقد لأمثالكم من بسطاء التواطؤ المخجل.

فمعذرة من الشعب الموريتاني الذي نمثله بالانتماء و الفطرة و الوجدان إلى إخواننا الصحراويين عن كل ما ارتكبتاه من أخطاء فادحة في حقهم .. في حق أنفسنا .. في حق الحق .

معذرة من الشعب الموريتاني الذي نمثله بالحب و الوفاء إلى إخواننا في الجمهورية العربية الصحراوية الديمقراطية عن ما ارتكبته القيادات "الموريتانية" العميلة باسمنا في حق من كانوا أولى بحبنا و وفائنا و مؤازرتنا.

معذرة من الشعب الموريتاني الذي نمثله بإرادتنا و تضحياتنا إلى الشعب الصحراوي الشقيق عن ما كنا نبرر به أخطاءنا من اعتذارات أقبح من كل ذنب.

معذرة إلى الشعب الجزائري الجسور من الشعب الموريتاني الشقيق الذي نمثله باحترامنا لثوابته و دفاعنا عن مصالحه ، عن ما كان من إساءات بالغة طيلة العقود الماضية من قبل رؤساء "موريتانيين" تعرفون جيدا أنهم لا يمثلون إلا أنفسهم و الجهات التي فرضتهم على هذا الشعب المغلوب على أمره.. عن ما جاء من إساءات بالغة للرمز العربي الكبير و الرئيس الجزائري الخالد المرحوم هواري بومدين، في مذكرات ولد داداه الكاذبة المكذوبة الكذوبة.. عن ما كان من مؤامرات على المصالح الجزائرية في موريتانيا من قبل عصابات نهب المال العام..

معذرة إلى الشعب الموريتاني الأبي عن ما كان من تقصيرنا في فضح كل ما يتربص به من مؤامرات دنيئة من قبل سلطاته الخائنة.

و أستغفر الله و أتوب إليه ، عليه توكلت و إليه أنيب.

حيدر تعود للعيون بعد وساطة أمريكية وفرنسية وإسبانية.. ومن دون الاعتذار للملك

2009-12-18T14:51:00.000-08:00

حيدر تعود للعيون بعد وساطة أمريكية وفرنسية وإسبانية.. ومن دون الاعتذار للملك
حسين مجدوبي:

18/12/2009

مدريد ـ 'القدس العربي' عادت الناشطة الصحراوية أميناتو حيدر، ليلة الخميس ـ الجمعة، إلى مدينة العيون في الصحراء الغربية بعدما قبل المغرب برجوعها من دون شروط عكس موقفه المتصلب السابق، وفي المقابل حصل على تعهدات من باريس وواشنطن باستبعاد حقوق الإنسان من القرار المقبل لمجلس الأمن حول نزاع الصحراء الغربية.
وكما كان منتظرا، عادت أميناتو ليلة أمس الأول الخميس إلى مدينة العيون بعد 32 يوما من الإضراب عن الطعام في مطار لانساروتي بجزر الخالدات الإسبانية بدأ إثر طردها يوم 14 تشرين الثاني/نوفمبر الماضي بقرارا من الحكومة المغربية وسحب جواز سفرها ردا على عدم اعترافها بالجنسية المغربية.
ونقلت طائرة طبية مجهزة حيدر (42 سنة) نحو العيون. وقالت صحيفة 'الباييس' الاسبانية ان الطائرة ظلت تحلق فوق أجواء الصحراء لمدة ساعة، مما أوحى بأن السلطات المغربية كانت مترددة بشأن الترخيص لها بالنزول، لكنها وافقت في آخر المطاف. وبذلت مدريد مجهودات كبيرة لإقناع حيدر بالعودة، ذلك أن الأخيرة كانت تتخوف من سيناريو شبيه لما وقع منذ أسبوعين عندما جرى نقلها إلى مطار لانساروتي من أجل التوجه إلى المغرب وتبين أنه لم يكن هناك ترخيص من الرباط بعودتها.
وأكد أفراد عائلة حيدر أن الأخيرة رفضت التوجه إلى منزلها على متن سيارة إسعاف خصصتها لها السلطات المغربية بالعيون، كما رفضت المكوث في مستشفى العيون الذي تديره السلطات الصحية المغربية.
وعكس ما جاء في بيان وزارة الداخلية المغربية عن أن حيدر عادت بعدما قبلت بجميع الشروط ومنها الإدارية، تبين أنها عادت من دون جواز سفر بل برخصة عبور أصدرتها اسبانيا، وفي مطار العيون سلمتها الشرطة المغربية الجواز الذي سحبته منها يوم 13 تشرين الثاني/نوفمبر الماضي، كما لم تلتزم بالشروط الإدارية ـ والسياسية ـ التي كانت الرباط تتمسك بها.
ومن الشروط التي وردت على لسان وزير الإعلام المغربي خالد الناصري، ومسؤولين آخرين، الاعتذار للملك محمد السادس، قالت حيدر للقناة الأولى الإسبانية ان 'على ملك المغرب أن يعتذر لي'، مضيفة بإصرار: لن أطلب الاعتذار لأنني لست مجرمة (..) النظام المغربي هو المسؤول عن الجرائم التي يرتكبها في الصحراء'.
وتابعت في تصريحات من منزلها في العيون بالصحراء الغربية 'عودتي انتصار.. انتصار للقانون الدولي، لحقوق الإنسان والعدالة الدولية والقضية الصحراوية'. وعن المستقبل قالت: سأستمر في الدفاع عن استقلال الصحراء الغربية.
وتعتبر هذه التصريحات تحديا حقيقيا للسلطات المغربية التي تبدو كأنها تقف الآن عاجزة عن محاكمتها بعدما تحولت إلى شخصية دولية.
وتسود مشاعر الحسرة واليأس في نفوس الجالية المغربية في اسبانيا بسبب هذه النهاية التي لم تكن منتظرة. في هذا الصدد قال مغربي تابع عن كثب تطورات هذه القضية: 'منذ البدء كان على المغرب أن يفكر جيدا في هذا الملف ويستبعد ترحيل حيدر حتى يتجنب هذه المهزلة'، معتبرا أن عودتها 'صفعة حقيقية لدبلوماسية الرباط على شاكلة صفعة جزيرة تورة في صيف 2002'.
وتشكل عودة حيدر نهاية حلقة من المسلسل الطويل لنزاع الصحراء الغربية.
وقد بدأت أخبار كثيرة تتسرب حول طريقة معالجة هذا الملف الذي تسبب في حرج حقيقي للمغرب أمام المجتمع الدولي بسبب طابعه الحقوقي، وأمام الرأي العام المغربي لأن السلطات كانت تشترط اعتذار حيدر للملك محمد السادس مقابل عودتها، وهو الأمر الذي لم يحصل.
وكشف وزير الخارجية الإسباني ميغيل آنخيل موراتينوس الجمعة أن مدريد لم تقدم أي تنازلات للرباط في هذه القضية، موضحا أن بلاده تمسكت منذ البدء بموقفها المطالب بعودة حيدر، كما تشبثت بضرورة إجراء استفتاء تقرير المصير كحل لنزاع الصحراء الغربية.
وقال موراتينوس: 'اريد فقط ان اعبر عن ارتياحي لعودتها الى بلادها. نحن مسرورون. لقد ناضلت طويلا من اجل ذلك'.
واكد ان حكومة بلاده 'قامت بما في وسعها لتأمين هذه العودة في أسرع وقت ممكن' غير ان الامر لم يخضع 'لأي مساومة' مع المغرب.
وقال 'لقد عملنا بالتنسيق مع بلدين كبيرين هما الولايات المتحدة وفرنسا'.
واوضح موراتينوس ان الدول الثلاث، اسبانيا وفرنسا والولايات المتحدة، التي فاوضت السلطات المغربية، 'لديها مصالح مهمة في المنطقة ولديها الامكانية لدفع الامور الى الامام'.
والمثير أن موراتينوس كشف أن السلطات المغربية أخبرته بطرد حيدر قبل ترحيلها، مما يبين وجود مخطط مسبق في هذا الشأن من طرف السلطات المغربية.
وأبرزت مصادر سياسية إسبانية أن الولايات المتحدة لعبت دورا رئيسيا في انهاء هذا الملف بالتنسيق مع مدريد وباريس.
وفي بيان نشر مساء الخميس، اعلنت الرئاسة الفرنسية ان الرئيس الفرنسي نيكولا ساركوزي طلب من المغرب تسليم حيدر جواز سفر.
وقام ساركوزي بهذه البادرة في 15 كانون الاول/ديسمبر لدى استقباله في باريس وزير الخارجية المغربي الطيب الفاسي الفهري الذي اعرب له 'عن الامل في ان يتمكن المغرب انطلاقا من تقاليد الانفتاح والكرم، من تسليم حيدر جواز سفرها المغربي لدى وصولها الى اراضي المملكة'.
من جهتها قالت وزيرة الخارجية هيلاري كلينتون في بيان الخميس 'لقد سررت بقرار الحكومة المغربية' مذكرة بان الناشطة الصحراوية حصلت على جائزة روبرت كينيدي لحقوق الانسان.
واشادت كلينتون بـ'البادرة الانسانية' التي 'تعكس الروح الحقيقية وسخاء الحكومة والشعب المغربيين والتي تشير الى الاهمية الملحة لايجاد حل دائم للنزاع في الصحراء الغربية'.
وعلمت 'القدس العربي' أن من ضمن شروط المغرب لقبول عودة حيدر، الحصول على تعهد من واشنطن وباريس برفض أي قرار يصدر عن مجلس الأمن يكلف قوات حفظ السلام في الصحراء الغربية (مينورسو) بمراقبة حقوق الإنسان

Letter from a Mauritanian Woman to Miatou Haidar

2009-12-12T11:47:00.000-08:00

بســـــم الله الرحمـــن الرحيــم
قال تعالى: " يُثَبِّتُ اللَّهُ الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا بِالْقَوْلِ الثَّابِتِ فِي الْحَيَاةِ الدُّنْيَا وَفِي الآخِرَةِ وَيُضِلُّ اللَّهُ الظَّالِمِينَ وَيَفْعَلُ اللَّهُ مَا يَشَاءُ ".
صدق الله العظيم
أبدأ قولي مستعينة بالله عز وجل، طالبة منه التوفيق للصواب والسداد...
لقد كانت المرأة ولا تزال نصف المجتمع. هي الجزء الذي لا يتجزأ منه، فبغيرها يعرج النصف الآخر على قدم وساق. لا تكاد مكانتها تدنوا عظمتا عن مكانة الرجل، لها دورا أساسيا في جميع ميادين الحياة. هي الأرض الطيبة، تعطي، تبذل، تعلم، تربي وتنشئ، إنها صانعة الأمجاد والشعوب وبانية الحضارات الشامخة.
فالمرأة قديما كانت تذهب مع الرجال إلى الحروب تشجع المقاتلين، تثير في نفوسهم الحمية، تداوي المرضى وتسقي العطاش. وهاهي حفيدتها المرأة الصحراوية صانعة المستحيل تقتدي بها...
لقد أثبتت التجربة النضالية والثورية للشعب الصحراوي، أن المرأة الصحراوية مارست دورها البطولي بجدارة جنبا إلى جنب مع أخيها الرجل، وذلك بدءا من الكفاح المسلح وحتى الانتفاضة الحضارية السلمية مما جعل التاريخ يحفظ لها دورها وإسهامها الفاعل والمشرف كشريك حقيقي للرجل في النضال والاستشهاد والألم .
بدافع أخلاقي وكنوع من الوفاء لهذا الشعب الشقيق والجار، أجد نفسي ملزمتا بالكتابة عنها، هي امرأة صحراوية تستحق أن يكتب عنها الكثير في سياق التأريخ الحقيقي لدور المرأة الصحراوية في النضال...
لقد جعلت من تجربتها نموذجا فذا في العطاء، خرجت من حدود الصمت إلى ساحات الفعل والإرادة المعبرة عن قدرة المرأة الصحراوية....
إنها المناضلة الصامدة الشهمة التي تحاصرها المتاعب من كل جانب... تقاوم من أجل قضيتها ومن أجل عزة وكرامة شعبها تحت رحمة من لا يعرف للرحمة و لا للنضال معنى...
إنها تناضل من أجل أن تعيش كريمة بأرض الكرامة، نضالها مشروع وهي حقيقة دامغة لا يمكن تجاهلها أو النيل منها...
هكذا يبدأ النضال وهاهي " أمينتو حيدار" تقاوم ليس من أجل أن تحقق شيء لذاتها وإنما تريد تحقيق الحرية لهذا الشعب الحبيب وإن كان الطريق من النوع الوعر والإمكانيات محدودة.
نعم إن قطار أمينتو حيدار قد بدأ طريقه ولن تجدي رغبات ولا قوة العدو الظالم في إيقاف مسيرته النضالية السلمية، فبرغم محاولاته المتعددة (أي العدو) لإيقافها ودحرها إلا أنها تأبى الخضوع والتراجع وتعتزم الإصرار والمواصلة ولو كلفها ذلك حياتها، وخير دليل على ذلك اعتصامها مضربة عن الأكل منذ أكثر من عشرين يوما في مطار لانثاروتي من أجل قضيتها وشعبها وأرضها متحدية بذلك جبروت عدو طاغي متغطرس ...
أيتها البطلة مباركةٌ بإذن الله مسيرتكِ. أبشري فالوصول قريبٌ لأن صوتكِ مسموع ومطالبكِ مشروعة...
أخوية الناجم:
Gmail.com@999 khouta
شابة موريتانية تهنأ الشعب الصحراوي على صمود هذه
الــمناضلة وتــتــمنى له الاستــقلال في القــريب العاجل...

Urgent Action:3 SIMPLE ACTIONS TO SAVE THE SAHARAWI GHANDI

2009-12-09T09:23:00.000-08:00

3 SIMPLE ACTIONS TO SAVE THE SAHARAWI GHANDI

Your support can make a difference at a crucial time in the campaign to save the life of Aminatou Haidar known as the ‘Saharawi Ghandi’. Aminatou is a prominent human rights activist and former political prisoner and Nobel Peace Prize nominee. She is known for her non-violent resistance to the illegal occupation of Western Sahara by Morocco.

On Sunday she entered her 21st day of hunger strike after being expelled from her home in Western Sahara. Negotiations are still taking place between Spain and Morocco, with involvement from the UN and the African Union, but so far this it has not been successful – YOU CAN EXERT THE PRESSURE NEEDED TO INFLUNCE THEM

Aminatou should not need to die to demonstrate to the world the extent of the Moroccan oppression against the people of Western Sahara.

Doctors have said she has only days to live. PLEASE HELP HER!

TAKE 3 SIMPLE ACTIONS:

1. Click here to take the Amnesty International Action to the Moroccan authorities

http://takeaction.amnestyusa.org/siteapps/advocacy/index.aspx?c=jhKPIXPCIoE&b=2590179&template=x.ascx&action=13368

http://www.es.amnesty.org/actua/acciones/sahara-presos-conciencia

2. Make sure key decision makers in the EU and UN take action.

- Copy the following into the subject heading of an email: AMINATOU HAIDAR IS DYING. PLEASE ACT NOW SO SHE CAN RETURN TO HER FAMILY

- Body text: Members of the UN Security Council have a responsibility to pressure the Moroccan authorities to act to enable Aminatou Haidar to return to Western Sahara. She should not have to die just to show the world the extent of the Moroccan oppression. Please Act.

- BCC it to the following addresses:

acreditaciones@mpr.es; maciej.popowski@europarl.europa.eu; epmadrid@europarl.europa.eu; InfoDesk@ohchr.org; eurobarometer@ec.europa.eu; leonor.ribeiro-da-silva@ec.europa.eu; ofiprensa@psoe.es; atencion@pp.es; cdc@convergencia.cat; comunicacion@izquierda-unida.es; prensa@upyd.es; prensa@coalicioncanaria.org; Michael.Denison@fco.gov.uk; Madlin.sadler@fco.gov.uk; Sarah.Schaefer@fco.gov.uk; Matthew.gould@fco.uk; hallp@parliament.uk;lisa.glover@fco.gsi.gov.uk; ukrep@fco.gov.uk; charles.moore@fco.gov.uk

3. Take direct action – join us at 12pm on Thursday 10th December outside the gates of Downing Street (off Whitehall) to demonstrate and show the Moroccan authorities that they must act. Please wear black!

More Info

The Human rights situation in Morocco is dire with torture, rape, disappearance, false imprisonment, and unfair trials commonplace and [i]have suffered a real regression in the last few weeks.[ii]

Aminatou, alongside many of the Saharawi people has suffered before. In 1987, aged 20, she "disappeared" and was tortured by the Moroccan secret police for four years for advocating independence. In 2005 she was jailed for seven months after being beaten by a Moroccan policeman during a demonstration protesting against the Moroccan occupation.

I was kidnapped and detained in prison for 4 years. I was blindfolded continuously throughout this time, and spent 9 months in solitary confinement…sometimes we would be forced to face the wall with our hands tied and spend the whole night standing on one foot. If we fell, we were tortured...the threat of rape meant we were afraid to sleep…my family, including my young children had no idea of my whereabouts."[iii]

In a cruel twist on Friday, her supporters including her 2 children were jubilant as the Spanish authorities told Aminatou she could return home only to be distraught when the Moroccan authorities refused to allow the plane meant to be taking her home to leave.

Her deportation has been condemned by human rights organisations including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.[iv] Morocco has been repeatedly asked to allow her to return home including by The Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union (AU), Jean Ping and UN Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres[v]but is refusing to do so and is prepared to let her die.

Her campaign has attracted high profile support including actors Javier Bardem, Juliet Stevenson and Terry Jones, film directors Pedro Almodovar and Ken Loach, musicians Manu Chao and Brian Eno and Nobel Literature Laureate, Jose Salamango.

Media coverage

This has made international headlines with front-page news in Spanish newspapers. For a l selection of coverage in English see:

Afrik.com: Western Sahara: Joy turns to anger

Afrik.com: British MPs support Haidar

The Guardian, Hunger Striker

The Guardian, Nobel nominee hunger strike fears

BBC, Morocco demands apology from hunger strike activist

Concert backs 'Gandhi of Sahara'

The Observer on Dec 6

The Independent Marooned at Lanzarote airport, the 'Gandhi of the Western Sahara'

Associated Press

Statements of Concern

UN commissioner for Refugees

Statement from the African Union

Statement from the South African Government

Statement from Amnesty International

Statement from Human Rights Watch Morocco: Reverse Expulsion of Sahrawi Activist

Human Rights Watch article on escalating Moroccan repression

الشبكة الأورومتوسطية لحقوق الإنسان - المغرب: يجب السماح للسيدة أمينتو حيدر بالعودة الى بلدها

2009-12-08T13:40:00.000-08:00

الشبكة الأورومتوسطية لحقوق الإنسان - المغرب: يجب السماح للسيدة أمينتو حيدر بالعودة الى بلدها

Video : Minatou Haidar

2009-12-07T19:24:00.000-08:00

A Tale of Two Human Rights Awardees: Steven Zunes

2009-12-02T14:06:00.001-08:00

A Tale of Two Human Rights Awardees
Stephen Zunes | December 2, 2009
Editor: John Feffer

Foreign Policy In Focus www.fpif.org

The annual Robert F. Kennedy Award ceremony took place at the White House this year for the first time in its 28-year history. Also for the first time, the president of the United States was there to honor the awardees.
This year's winner was the group Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), represented by Magodona Mahlangu and Jenni Williams.Since its founding six years ago, WOZA has campaigned against domestic violence and rape, for rebuilding their country's crumbling health and education systems, and for ending government repression. Despite their commitment to nonviolence, WOZA activists have been routinely threatened, abducted, and beaten, and over 3,000 of its members have been detained or imprisoned. This show of support from President Obama is particularly important in light of the trial of the two WOZA activists, scheduled to begin next week, for "conduct likely to cause a breach of [the] peace," which could result in a five-year prison sentence if convicted.
Such public support from the White House is in stark contrast with its silence on the fate of last year's winner, Aminatou Haidar, who is widely known as the Saharan Gandhi. Earlier in November, when she was returning from the United States after receiving the Civil Courage Award from the Train Foundation, Moroccan occupation authorities arrested and expelled Haidar from her homeland of Western Sahara.
Belated Response
Haidar is Western Sahara's leading human rights campaigner. She has led the nonviolent struggle to free her people from an illegal 34-year Moroccan occupation, and was nominated on several occasions for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Like many Western Saharans who travel abroad, she declared Western Sahara as her country of origin on the immigration entry form when she landed at the airport in El Aioun, in the occupied territory. This time, however, Moroccan authorities confiscated her Moroccan passport, held her overnight for interrogation, and — claiming she had renounced her Moroccan citizenship — expelled her to Spain's Canary Islands. It is a direct violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to expel anyone from their country of origin.
For nearly two weeks, the State Department was silent on Haidar's fate. It spoke out only this past Thursday, as Haidar's physical well-being came into question when she entered the eighth day of a hunger strike. Spokesman Ian Kelly expressed U.S. concerns about her health situation, but simply called for "a speedy determination of her legal status." Rather than calling on Moroccan authorities to live up to their international legal obligations, Kelly instead appeared let the Moroccans determin her status. The Moroccans "determined" that she is persona non grata, and has no right to return.
The RFK Center for Justice and Human Rights, which grants the annual award, has sent its director and senior advocacy director to the Canary Islands to be with Haidar, now entering the third week of her fast in the Lanzarote Airport. They also called upon UN Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem Pillay to immediately investigate the circumstances of Haidar's forced exile and to establish a formal mechanism for protecting the human rights of the people of Western Sahara. However, despite the RFK Center's efforts and those of Kerry Kennedy, Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT), and others, the Obama administration has refused to demand Haidar's return.
It was Leahy who, standing in for his ailing colleague Edward Kennedy at last year's ceremony, praised Haidar's struggle for human rights against Moroccan repression and promised that, with the incoming Obama administration, "help was on the way." Unfortunately, Obama ended up appointing Hillary Clinton, a longtime supporter of the Moroccan occupation, to oversee his foreign policy.
Currying Favor with Morocco
Indeed, Secretary of State Clinton may bear partial responsibility for Haidar's situation. The activist's arrest and expulsion is part of a broader Moroccan crackdown that appears to have received Clinton's endorsement during a visit to Morocco early last month. Rather than joining Amnesty International and other human rights groups in condemning the increase in the already-severe repression in the occupied Western Sahara, Clinton instead chose to offer unconditional praise for the Moroccan government's human rights record. Just days before her arrival, Moroccan authorities arrested seven other nonviolent activists from Western Sahara — Ahmed Alansari, Brahim Dahane, Yahdih Ettarouzi, Saleh Labihi, Dakja Lashgar, Rachid Sghir, and Ali Salem Tamek — on trumped-up charges of high treason. Amnesty International has declared the seven activists (who are currently awaiting trial) prisoners of conscience, and called for their unconditional release. But Clinton decided to ignore the plight of these and other political prisoners held in Moroccan jails.
Under such circumstances, it appears that the Moroccan authorities decided they need not fear a negative reaction from Washington for engaging in further repression, especially since the United States has given the country billions of dollars in military assistance since its conquest of Western Sahara in 1975. International law requires that the people of non-self-governing territories such as Western Sahara deserve the right of self-determination, confirmed in the case of Western Sahara by a landmark opinion of the International Court of Justice. However, Clinton — in an interview during her recent visit — appears to have endorsed Morocco's plans for annexing the territory under a dubious "autonomy" plan. Though a series of unanimous UN Security Council resolutions supported by previous U.S. administrations have called for a UN-supervised referendum on the fate of the territory, Clinton has simply called for "mediation" between the Moroccan kingdom and the exiled nationalist Polisario Front, a process that would not offer the people of the territory a say in their future.
I have worked with both Jenni Williams and Aminatou Haidar. They are both deserving of the RFK Prize, and they both deserve the support of the U.S. government as well. A test of a government's sense of justice is whether it sees human rights as a universal principle or simply as a political tool to advance its foreign policy agenda. The Obama administration appears to have opted for the latter. It is easy to support human rights activists like the women of WOZA, since they are battling against a regime opposed by the United States. When it comes to human rights activists who challenge a U.S. ally, however, the Obama administration appears no different than previous administrations in tolerating their oppression.
Stephen Zunes is a Foreign Policy in Focus senior analyst. He is a professor of Politics and chair of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of San Francisco and is the author, along with Jacob Mundy, of the forthcoming Western Sahara: Nationalism, Conflict, and International Accountability (Syracuse University Press).

letter from New York Bar Association (Lawyers Association )

2009-11-26T12:21:00.000-08:00

PATRICIA M. HYNES
PRESIDENT
Phone: (212) 382-6700
Fax: (212) 768-8116
phynes@nycbar.org
November 25, 2009
H.E. Abbas El Fassi c/o Embassy of the Kingdom of Morocco 1601 Twenty First Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 Fax: 202-265-0161
H.E. Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero
President of the Government
Avda. Puerta de Hierro, s/n.
28071 Madrid
Spain
Fax: (+34) 913-900-217
Email: jlrzapatero@presidencia.gob.es
Your Excellencies:
I write on behalf of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York (“the Association”) to express our concern about the situation of Ms. Aminatou Haidar, Chairwoman of the Collectif des Défenseurs Sahraouis des Droits de l’Homme – CODESA (Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders) and a prominent human rights defender in Western Sahara. The Association is concerned about her safety and about the legality of her expulsion to Lanzarote (Spain). Given the serious nature of this matter, the Association respectfully urges you to take all necessary measures to ensure that Ms. Haidar can promptly return to Laayoune (Western Sahara) and rejoin her family.
The Association is an independent non-governmental organization with more than 23,000 members in over 50 countries. Founded in 1870, the Association has a long history of dedication to human rights, notably through its Committee on International Human Rights, which investigates and reports on human rights conditions around the world. The Association also follows legal and policy developments in Africa through its Committee on African Affairs. Similarly, the Association’s United Nations Committee follows key international developments throughout the world. All three of these Committees have identified Ms. Haidar’s situation as an urgent matter.
Since the eruption of the Western Sahara conflict in 1975, when Morocco first asserted its sovereignty over the territory, there have been consistent reports of human rights violations by Morocco against the Saharawi people of Western Sahara. In 2006, the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights identified the human rights situation in the region as a "serious concern" and called for the creation of a mechanism for ensuring adequate and continuous monitoring in both occupied territories and in refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria. While the Association is not taking a
2
position on the issue of Western Sahara's sovereignty, the Association does feel strongly that human rights in the region be respected.
Ms. Haidar is a prominent human rights defender in Western Sahara. She was awarded the 2006 Juan Maria Bandres Human Rights Award (Spain), the 2007 Silver Rose Award (Austria), the 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award, and the aforementioned 2009 Civil Courage Prize. She was also nominated for the European Parliament Sakharov Prize in 2005, for the Amnesty International USA’s Ginetta Sagan Fund Award, and for the 2008 Nobel Peace Prize. The Association is concerned that Ms. Haidar was detained, expelled, and denied return to Western Sahara for her human rights work in Western Sahara.
According to news reports, Ms. Haidar was arrested on November 13, 2009 by Moroccan authorities upon her arrival at the airport of Laayoune (Western Sahara) together with two Spanish journalists, Mr. Pedro Barbadillo and Mr. Pedro Guillén. The company was travelling through Las Palmas from the United States, where Ms. Haidar recently was awarded the Civil Courage Prize by the Train Foundation for her peaceful advocacy for human rights of the Sahrawi people. It was further reported that, while the two Spanish journalists were released after several hours, Ms. Haidar was expelled from the country to Lanzarote (Spain) after her passport was confiscated by the Moroccan authorities. According to reports, Ms. Haidar declared Western Sahara and not Morocco as her country on the immigration entry form she completed prior to disembarkation at the airport in Laayoune, which she had done in the past, and the Moroccan authorities deemed it a renunciation of her Moroccan citizenship. Ms. Haidar started a hunger strike at the airport of Lanzarote after Spanish authorities refused to allow her return to Laayoune because she was unable to produce her passport. It is further reported that Spanish authorities forcefully intervened to end her hunger strike because of serious concerns about her health.
The Association is concerned that the forced expulsion of Ms. Haidar by the Moroccan authorities was illegal. According to Article 12 (4) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”), which Morocco ratified on May 3, 1979, no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country. The confiscation of Ms. Haidar’s passport constitutes a clear and severe restriction on her ability to leave Spain and to return to her country of citizenship, and consequently amounts to a breach of Morocco’s international law obligations.
With regard to Spain, we are concerned that the denial by the Spanish authorities of Ms. Haidar’s return to Western Sahara is illegal. Article 12 (2) of the ICCPR, which Spain ratified on April 27, 1977, stipulates that everyone shall be free to leave any country. Spain’s obstruction to let Ms. Haidar leave Lanzarote therefore constitutes a breach of this provision. In addition, Spain seems to have violated its own Spanish law on Foreigners (Ley Orgánica 4/2000 of January 11, 2000, also known as Ley de Extranjería de España (“Law”)). According to Article 25 (1) of the Law, foreigners need a valid passport or travel document to be able to enter the country. At the time Ms. Haidar arrived at Lanzarote, her passport had already been confiscated and thus she was no longer in possession of a valid travel document. Nevertheless, as news reports state, Spain let her enter its territory because Ms. Haidar has a resident’s permit to obtain medical treatment there. If this document was sufficient for the Spanish authorities to allow Ms. Haidar to enter Spanish territory, it can be argued that this document should equally be sufficient to leave the territory in order for her to return to Western Sahara. In addition, Article 28 (2) of the Law states that only in exceptional circumstances of national security or public health can the Minister of Interior Affairs prohibit the departure of a foreigner out of Spanish territory. To the Association’s knowledge, no official reason has been given to prohibit Ms. Haidar’s departure out of Spain, therefore making the prohibition of Ms. Haidar’s departure from Spain illegal.
3
We believe that Ms. Haidar’s expulsion and denial to return to Western Sahara violates international and national law. Accordingly, we respectfully request that Your Excellencies take all necessary measures to ensure the immediate return of Ms. Haidar to Laayoune.
Respectfully submitted,
Patricia M. Hynes
cc:
Excmo. Sr. D. Francisco Caamaño Dominguez
Ministerio de Justicia
C/ San Bernando 45
28015 Madrid, Spain
Fax: (+34) 91-390-22-44
Email: ministro@mju.es
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
U.S. Department of State 2201 C Street NW Washington, DC 20520
Fax: 202-647-1722
H.E. Taieb Fassi-Fihri
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation
Avenue F. Roosevelt
Rabat, Morocco
Fax: (+212) 377-65-508
Email: ministere@maec.gov.ma
H.E. Aziz Mekouar
Ambassador of Morocco to the U.S.
Embassy of the Kingdom of Morocco
1601 Twenty First Street, NW
Washington, DC 20009
Fax: 202-265-0161
H.E. Abdelwahed Radi
Minister of Justice
Ministry of Justice
Place el Mamounia
Rabat, Morocco
Fax: (+212) 537-73-07-72
Email: ccdh@ccdh.org.ma
European Parliament
Subcommittee on Human Rights
Rue Wiertz
B-1047 Brussels
Belgium
Fax: (+32) 2-284-90-70
E-mail: xp-DROI@europarl.europa.eu
4
Amnesty International
1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK
Fax: (+44) 20-79561157
Ahmed Herzenni - President of the Human Rights Advisory Council
Conseil consultatif des droits de l’Homme
Place Achouhada- BP 1341
10 001 Rabat, Morocco
Fax: (+212) 537-72-68-56

ACTRESS AND RFK LEADERSHIP COUNCIL MEMBER GLORIA REUBEN ON AMINATOU

2009-11-25T16:44:00.000-08:00

ACTRESS AND RFK LEADERSHIP COUNCIL MEMBER GLORIA REUBEN ON AMINATOU
HAIDAR'S EXPULSION FROM WESTERN SAHARA AND HUNGER STRIKE 11/25/2009
The following is a statement from Gloria Reuben, Emmy nominated actress, singer,
philanthropist and member of the RFK Center Leadership Council on the expulsion
and consequent hunger strike of RFK Human Rights Laureate, Aminatou Haidar:

"The courage, strength and determination that embody Aminatou Haidar’s spirit
are the things that are keeping her alive, for she is undertaking the most
intense challenge… being on a hunger strike for more than 10 days, and counting.

The Moroccan authority’s claim that Ms. Haidar renounced her citizenship by
writing on her immigration form that Western Sahara is her homeland, is
completely absurd. They must be held accountable for their actions of detention,
interrogation and forced deportation.

Ms. Haidar is surely hanging on by a thread physically. Her continuous and
fearless fight for human rights for her fellow countrymen and women… and in turn
for all humankind…cannot be in vain. Let us unite and stand up for her now, as
she has done for countless others throughout her life."

Mohamed Baikam et Ahmed Salem Fahime: C.V

2009-11-21T14:29:00.000-08:00

الاسم : محمد البيكم
تاريخ الازدياد : 1979 لكويرة
معلومات : تعرض للاعتقال والتوقيف 6 مرات 2006/2007 ،تم طرده من عمله في مقهي الأنترنت بعد إقفاله لمدة 35 يوم بتهمة المس بالوحدة الترابية وممارسة أنشطة معادية ، تم قطع راتبه في بلدية لكويرة 2007 ،التهديد بالتصفية الجسدية من طرف مسؤوليين أمنين ، تعرض للطرد من الإدارة المغربية ومنعه من الحصول علي اوراقه الثبوتية بتهتمة الانفصال ،تعرضت عائلته للضغط كبير ، ممارسة الضغط عليه من طرف مدير المخابرات ووالي المدينة ومحاولة شراء ذمته بمقابل مادي وتجنيده للعمل في الاستخبارات المغربية مقابل الحصول علي منزل ووظيفية ومبالغ نقدية .

بطاقة تعريف عن الناشط الحقوقي والمعتقل السياسي "أحمد سالم عبد الحي " *البوروتو *

الاسم الكامل :أحمد سالم
الأسم العائلي : فهيم
تاريخ الإزدياد 1950 العيون المحتلة
العمل :متقاعد من شركة الفسفاط بوكراع
الحالة العائلية : متزوج وأب لعشرة أبناء
الصفة : ناشط حقوقي ومعتقل سياسي وعضو في الجمعية الصحراوية asvdh
الاعتقال السياسي : تم اعتقاله في شهر 3 من سنة 1976 بيسسيمي العيون المحتلة ،الاعتقال الثاني يوم 11 فبراير 1977 الحبس لكحل العيون المحتلة ،الاعتقال الثالث يوم 25 في شهر 9 من سنة 1980 حيث قضي 9 أشهر في الدار البيضاء بكوميسرية دار مولاي اعلي الشريف ليقضي 9 أشهر في سجن أكدز ،10 سنوات قلعة مكونة .

The Arrest of Two Sahrawi Activists: Mohamed Baikam and Ahmed Salem Fahime

2009-11-21T13:54:00.000-08:00

The Arrest of two Saharwi Activists at the Sahraoui Mauritanian borders today:

Two Saharwis have been arrested late this afternoon by the Moroccan authorities at the Sahraui Mauritanian borders when they were coming back from Mauritania when they were trying to enter the western Sahara occupied territory. Mohamed Baikam and Ahmed Salem Fahime are known political and human rights activists who were always calling for the right of self determination for Saharwis and always worked secretly to unveil the atrocities committed by the Moroccan State. They were arrested today November 21st,2009 when they were driving back from Mauritania to join their families in the Western Sahara . Moahmed Baikam was born in 1979 in Laguira , Western Sahara and is a member of the Sahraui Committed Agianst Torutre in Dakhla city. Ahmed Salem Fahime is a former disappeared and was in the secret horrible detention center called : Meggouna. He was born in Laaoyune in 1950. They both feared the arrest, but they still insisted on going back to the Occupied Territory of Western Sahara.
We urge you all to take action and demand their release. We also implore you to investigate their fate as we fear for their lives.
Attached is their passports copies along with a CV of Mohamed Baikam and his picture.

Human Rights Watch: Reverse Expulsion of Sahrawi Activist

2009-11-19T12:34:00.000-08:00

Morocco: Reverse Expulsion of Sahrawi Activist
Spain Must Also Press and Facilitate Aminatou Haidar’s Return Home

(New York, November 19, 2009) – Morocco must reverse its expulsion of Sahrawi rights activist Aminatou Haidar and allow her to enter her country of nationality, Human Rights Watch said today. Spain must intercede with Morocco to ensure her return, Human Rights Watch added.

Morocco refused Haidar, who is president of the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA), re-entry into Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara and forced her onto a flight to Spain on November 14 after she listed her place of residence as “Western Sahara” on a border control form. Haidar holds Moroccan citizenship and was traveling on a Moroccan passport. Morocco claims the former Spanish colony as part of Morocco, whereas many Sahrawis, including Haidar, reject Morocco’s claim in the absence of a referendum on self-determination.

The expulsion of Haidar comes at a time of mounting repression by Morocco of peaceful activism by advocates of self-determination for Western Sahara.

“Morocco cannot summarily denaturalize and deport its own citizens because of the way they fill out entry forms at the airport,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “They must let Haidar return home and stop harassing her for peaceful advocacy of Sahrawi self-determination.”

Moroccan Foreign Minister Taïeb Fassi Fihri said on November 15 that Haidar, who was returning from a trip abroad November 13, effectively “waived” her Moroccan citizenship by writing “Western Sahara” as her place of residence on her entry form. Haidar refused to back down when senior officials, including a security commissioner for the region and a crown prosecutor, came to the airport and warned her of the consequences of her actions.

Police detained Haidar at the airport overnight, then confiscated her passport and national identity card before putting her on a plane to Arrecife in the Canary Islands (Spain), where she is presently on a hunger strike at Lanzarote airport demanding the right to return to her homeland.

The United Nations classifies Western Sahara as a “non-self-governing territory” and does not recognize de jure Moroccan sovereignty over it. Morocco has proposed regional autonomy for Western Sahara under Moroccan rule, a solution rejected by the Polisario, the Sahrawi independence movement based in Algeria, which favors a vote on self-determination that could lead to independence for the territory.

Meanwhile, Morocco administers the contested territory as if it were part of Morocco. This includes the issuance of Moroccan passports to its residents, few of whom have access to any other form of travel documents. Haidar has no other passport.

Article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Morocco has ratified, states in part, “Everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own…. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.”

Moroccan authorities have the right to require all persons entering territory under their control to provide certain information and answer questions. However, to summarily confiscate a passport and expel a citizen for filling out her address in a way that displeases authorities is a punishment that is both excessive and politically motivated. Such measures should be undertaken – if at all – as part of a procedure where the concerned party’s due process rights are fully respected. If authorities consider that Haidar has committed an infraction of the law, they should grant her entry and allow her to reside at her home while they pursue their investigation.

Spain, meanwhile, shares in responsibility for the impasse because it admitted Haidar into its territory even though she arrived against her will and carried no passport, and because Spain’s foreign ministry has reportedly said she cannot leave Spain because she lacks a passport.

Given that Spanish authorities are aware of the arbitrary way that Morocco confiscated Haidar’s documents and expelled her, Spain should allow her to exercise her stated wish to board a flight from Spain to El-Ayoun, and thereby exercise her rights under article 12 of the ICCPR.

“Spain should avoid complicity in Morocco’s repressive behavior,” said Whitson. “It should let Haidar return to the land of her citizenship.”

CODESA, the human rights organization over which Haidar presides, has seen its legal registration blocked arbitrarily by Moroccan authorities, who allege that its leaders espouse the cause of Sahrawi independence and are therefore in violation of Moroccan laws prohibiting “attacks” on Morocco’s “territorial integrity.” Haidar’s trip abroad included a stopover in New York to receive the Train Foundation’s Civil Courage Prize, one of many awards Haidar has received from international organizations.

The expulsion of Haidar, a 42-year-old mother of two, is an unprecedented measure but only one of several acts of repression against Sahrawi activists carried out by the Moroccan government since October. King Mohammed VI of Morocco announced the new hard-line approach in his speech November 6 marking the 34th anniversary of “the Green March,” Morocco’s entry into Western Sahara to claim its control over it:

Let me clearly say there is no more room for ambiguity or deceit: either a person is Moroccan or is not. There can be no more duplicity or evading of duties. Now is the time for clear, unambiguous stances, and for responsible conduct. One is either a patriot or a traitor. There is no halfway house. One cannot enjoy the rights and privileges of citizenship, only to abuse them and conspire with the enemies of the homeland.

On October 6, Moroccan police prevented five Sahrawi activists from leaving Western Sahara for Mauritania, confiscating their passports and sending them back to El-Ayoun, without providing an official reason for the measure. Other Sahrawi activists have been barred from traveling abroad, including Sultana Khaya on October 10 and students Hayat Rguibi and Nguiya Hawassi, who were turned back November 18 at Casablanca airport as they prepared to depart for Great Britain.

On October 8, the security services arrested seven Sahrawis upon their return from visiting the Tindouf refugee camps in Algeria where, Moroccan authorities allege, they met with “bodies opposing Morocco,” presumably a reference to Polisario leaders. The pro-government press accused the seven of also meeting with Algerian security officials. The judge investigating their case has referred it to a military court, a rare and ominous development for civilians accused of politically motivated offenses.

On at least seven occasions since October 19, police have interrupted visits by foreign human rights delegations or journalists to the homes of known Sahrawi activists, informing them that from now on, all such visits must receive prior authorization.

Haidar, reached by telephone on November 17, said that she frequently filled out the entry form at El-Ayoun airport in the same way in the past without being detained or questioned. This time, however, she sensed trouble upon deplaning on November 13 because of the heavier-than-usual security presence at this small and normally quiet airport. Haidar said that as soon as she handed in the entry form, the police took her aside for what ended up being 12 hours of questioning on topics ranging from her views on the Western Sahara conflict to her various activities during her month-long trip abroad. Haidar said that while she refused to change how she had completed the form, she made no statement renouncing Moroccan citizenship. When the questioning ended, she signed a written record of it and was informed that the police would keep her passport and national identity card and that she was being placed on the next flight to Spain.

“Morocco needs to find a solution to the crisis they have provoked by expelling Aminatou Haidar because of her political beliefs,” said Whitson. “And that solution must involve allowing Haidar to return home and ending the current crackdown on Sahrawis who peacefully espouse the cause of self-determination.”

La Fundación Robert Kennedy lanza una campaña para exigir a Naciones Unidas una investigación sobre el caso de Haidar

2009-11-18T09:10:00.000-08:00

La Fundación Robert Kennedy lanza una campaña para exigir a Naciones Unidas una investigación sobre el caso de Haidar

LAS PALMAS DE GRAN CANARIA, 18 Nov. (EUROPA PRESS) -

La Fundación Robert Kennedy por la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos ha lanzado una campaña en Internet para exigir a la alta comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, Navanethem Pillay, que abra una investigación sobre la expulsión de la activista saharaui Aminatou Haidar de Marruecos, según informó hoy Coalición Canaria (CC) en un comunicado en el que animó a la ciudadanía a sumarse a la iniciativa.
El pasado viernes, los periodistas españoles Pedro Barbadillo y Pedro Guillén y la activista por los derechos del pueblo saharaui Aminatou Haidar permanecieron retenidos por las autoridades marroquíes en el aeropuerto de El Aaiún (Sáhara Occidental) donde fueron interrogados por los servicios de inteligencia de Marruecos bajo sospecha de cargos todavía desconocidos.
Barbadillo, Guillén y Haidar fueron separados y estuvieron en diferentes puntos del aeropuerto tras ser abordados por las autoridades dentro del avión en el que acababan de aterrizar procedentes de Gran Canaria, en torno al mediodía del viernes, 13 de noviembre, según se informó desde la Asociación de Amistad del Pueblo Saharaui de Sevilla (AAPSS).
Por su parte, el mismo viernes por la noche, los dos periodistas regresaron a Gran Canaria, mientras que Haidar fue enviada a Lanzarote al día siguiente, donde ha permanecido hasta estos momentos en espera de poder regresar a El Aaiún, y donde ha iniciado una huelga de hambre.
La activista ha recibido desde el lunes la visita de un sanitario de Cruz Roja que recomendó la ingestión de agua con azúcar y otras bebidas ricas en sales minerales para evitar un mayor deterioro de su estado de salud. "Tiene una salud delicada. Padece una úlcera y ha pasado mala noche", explicó un portavoz de la comunidad saharaui en Lanzarote en declaraciones a Europa Press.

APSO : Declaration sue l 'arrestation de Minatou Haidar.

2009-11-13T13:39:00.000-08:00

Déclaration APSO

Vendredi 13 novembre 2009, à 12h30 GMT, Madame Aminatou Haidar a été arrêtée dans un impressionnant déploiement de forces de police Marocaines, à l’Aéroport d’El Aaiun, au Sahara Occidental,.

Madame Aminatou Haidar est une grande défenseure des droits de l’Homme et de la cause de son pays, le Sahara Occidental, occupé par le Maroc depuis 1975. Elle a subit comme d’autres, les coup et les tortures et une disparition forcée pendant 4 ans, pour sa résistance pacifique et son opinion politique.

Son courage dans ce combat pacifique a été plusieurs fois internationalement reconnu et soutenu.
Elle a été honorée en 2006 du Prix pour les droits humains Juan Maria Bandres, en 2007 du Prix Silver Rose, dans la catégorie lutte pour la liberté et la dignité humaine, en 2008 du prix Robert F. Kennedy (RFK), en octobre 2009 du prix du Courage Civil de la fondation John Train.
Elle a d’autre part été nominée par le Parlement Européen pour le Prix des droits humains Andrei Sakarov, par la branche américaine d’Amnesty International pour le Ginetta Sagan Fund Award mais aussi pour le Prix Nobel de la Paix.

Son arrestation intervient alors qu’une très inquiétante recrudescence d’arrestations de responsable d’association de défense des droits de l’homme, d’étudiants, d’intellectuels sahraouis, de harcèlement de la jeunesse sahraouie, est orchestrée depuis le mois de septembre 2009 par les autorités marocaines.

Le récent discours du roi, appel à la haine civile contre un ennemi intérieur, les sahraouis, qui revendiquent la juste application de leur droit légitime à l’autodétermination et dont le Maroc est le colonisateur, sert de justification à des actes officiels et domestiques de barbares discriminations et violences arbitraires des Marocains sur les Sahraouis.

Le Sahara Occidental est un territoire non autonome selon l’ONU, en attente de décolonisation depuis 1963. L’invasion violente du territoire par le Maroc en 1975 a été condamnée sans relâche par l’ONU et le conseil de sécurité. Néanmoins, le sentiment d’impunité laissé par l’absence de réelles mesures de coercition internationales contre le Maroc, l’autorise à des extrêmes d’inhumanité contre la population sahraouie n’ayant pas fui vers les campements de réfugiés.

Nous, APSO et réseau sud de la France, espérons que ces actes graves contre des citoyens courageux et résistants pour leurs droits et leur identité ne resteront pas ignorés plus longtemps de quiconque est attaché aux valeurs fondamentales de l’humanité

Campaign to release All Sahrawi Prisoners of conscience

2009-11-05T21:52:00.000-08:00

Testimony/ temoignage Izanna Amidane ( French subtitles)

2009-10-31T09:42:00.000-07:00

2009-10-25T09:46:00.001-07:00

2009 October Campaig launched

2009-10-23T00:54:00.000-07:00